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["Security and Justice Evidence Mapping Database"]
["Instructions"]
[]
["1. Background"]
[]
["The objective of this evidence mapping exercise was to identify and organise the empirical evidence for outputs and outcomes related to S&J interventions. This database is the result of a rigorous review of the evidence base. "]
[]
["2. What this database contains"]
[]
["Database tab: "]
["This contains a list of all of the documents selected from the rigorous review that met a defined inclusion criteria. Further details of the search strategy and inclusion criteria can be found in a separate 'Search Protocol' document."]
["The database is searchable by a series of classification types. Further instructions on the search process are provided below."]
[]
["Analysis tab:"]
["This tab allows the user to analyse the data included in this database. Multiple criteria can be selected to generate bar charts for different combinations, which then  illustrate the frequency of documents in each criterion. "]
[]
["Evidence Gap Map tab:"]
["The gap map shows the number of studies included in this review that addressed each combination of interventions and outputs or outcomes. "]
[]
["Definitions tab:"]
["This tab provides more detailed definitions for the different classifications used for coding. "]
[]
["3. Instructions"]
[]
["Database tab:"]
["The database is searchable by criteria that include: research classification; thematic focus; geographic classification; intervention type; outputs; and outcomes."]
["Different classifications can be combined to display a list of documents that provide evidence on different criteria. For example, one could search for documents that contain evidence obtained from 'Observational Research' with a thematic focus on 'Police', which contains evidence from 'West Africa' on the intervention type 'Accountability', and that comments on the output type 'Accountability' and the outcome type 'Ownership'. "]
["To search, click on the filter button at the top of each searchable column. A box will appear with three options: '(Select All)', 'x', and '(Blanks)'. In order to select only the documents that meet that criterion, all boxes should be unselected by clicking on the box next to '(Select All'). This needs to be followed by selecting 'x', which will bring up a list of documents meeting that criterion. Documents can be searched by combinations of criteria by selecting multiple filters."]
["To return to the full list, 'unfilter' by clicking on each filter button used and clicking on the '(Select All)' box."]
["Some basic analytics are displayed above each criteria column heading. These display: A total count of the documents that were coded for each criteria; a running count of the documents coded for each criterion after applying the filter/s; and the proportion (as a percentage) of documents appearing in the list after filters are applied. "]
[]
["Analytics tab:"]
["Multiple criteria can be selected from the list to generate a series of bar charts, which display the frequency of documents coded with each criterion for the combination of criteria selected. "]
["The counter at the top of the tab displays the total number of documents included for the combination of criteria selected. "]
[]
["4. Important note regarding the coding of documents"]
[]
["Studies have been included in the database and coded as being related to an outcome if they evaluated the impact of an intervention that was intended to lead towards that outcome, regardless of whether the intervention was successful in its aims or not.  For example, an intervention that intended to improve accountability is coded in the database as being related to accountability, regardless of whether the intervention actually strengthened accountability, weakened it, or had no significant effect."]
[]
["Credits"]
["This database was compiled by Shivit Bakrania, Dana Blackburn and Brian Lucas with assistance from Paul Jackson, Pilar Domingo, Siân Herbert, Elisa Lopez Lucia, Becky Carter and Claire McLoughlin."]
["The project was undertaken by the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC) at the International Development Department, University of Birmingham, for the UK Department for International Development (DFID)."]
[]
[]
["Suggested citation:"]
["Bakrania, S., Blackburn, D., and Lucas, B. (2015) Security and Justice Evidence Mapping Database. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham."]

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["Author/s","Year","Title","Book Editors","Journal/Book Name/Series Name","Location published","Publisher/Institution","Vol","Issue","Pages","Abstract/Summary","URL/DOI","Experimental","Observational","Secondary","Peer-reviewed journal","Book or book chapter","Evaluation","Workshop or conference report","Other report","Academic organisation/think-tank","Multi-lateral, bi-lateral or inter-governmental org","National/host government organisation","Non-governmental organisation","Private/commercial organisation","Multi-country","Single country","Defence","Police","Intelligence","Border security","Security and justice governance","Multi-sectoral focus","Non-state actors","Justice sector reform","Access to Justice/Legal empowerment","Prisons","Legal reform","Security promotion/Violence reduction","Urbanisation","Counter-terrorism","Organised crime","Global","Eastern Africa","Middle Africa","Southern Africa","Northern Africa","Western Africa","Caribbean","Central America","South America","Central Asia","East Asia","South Asia","South-East Asia","West Asia","East Europe","South Europe","Oceania","Countries","Non-intervention","Accountability interventions","Non-state actor interventions","Community-based","Capacity building","Strategic/statutory frameworks","Restructuring the security and justice sector ","Gender specific interventions","Infrastructure and equipment","Political engagement/Political will","DDR","Legal services","Non-state/Justice facilitator capacity building","Preventative interventions","Accountability","Non-state actor inclusion","Community participation","Capacity","Confidence/trust/satisfaction","Gender sensitivity/balancing","Roles/coordination/dialogue","Strategic frameworks","Application/compliance/interpretation","State/non-state linkages","Incentives","Responsiveness","Political will","Ownership","Citizens feel safe and secure","Access to provision","Stability/conflict/violence","Resources/sustainability","Security and justice  actors protect","Judicial redress","Human rights","Actual crime rates","Legal awareness/confidence","Gender-based violence rates","Economic development","Poverty reduction","Access to land, inheritance and property rights","Access to public services and economic resources","Women's empowerment and gender equality"]
["Abatneh, Abraham Sewonet and Lubang, Simon Monoja",2011,"Police reform and state formation in Southern Sudan",null,"Canadian Journal of Development Studies",null,null,32,1,"94-108","Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Sudanese government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement in 2005, stability has prevailed but peace remains fragile in Southern Sudan. This article explores the modernisation of security forces in the territory, focusing on challenges and opportunities for the Southern Sudan Police Service. It examines how the political ambivalence of national leaders and key international actors, linked to their goal of creating a state in the South, are shaping the new police force. The study also examines the impact that institutional factors such as a weak legal framework and structural factors such as scarce public resources are having on the development of an effective, rights-respecting police service in the South.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2011.576143",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Abatoni, Jane Gatete, et al.",2009,"Case Studies of Gender-Sensitive Police Reform in Rwanda and Timor-Leste",null,null,"New York","United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM)",null,null,null,"The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) is working to support women’s engagement in peacebuilding and preventing sexual violence through a programme launched in 2007 titled ‘Supporting Women’s Engagement in Peace-Building and Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict: Community-Led Approaches.’ Funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID). This report analyzes the programme’s initiatives to support gender-sensitive police reform in Rwanda and Timor-Leste.","http://www.unwomen.org/~/media/Headquarters/Media/Publications/UNIFEM/0602_CaseStudiesOfGenderSensitivePoliceReform_en.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Rwanda; Timor-Leste",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Adamu, Fatima L. and Para-Mallam, Oluwafunmilayo J.",2012,"The role of religion in women's campaigns for legal reform in Nigeria",null,"Development in Practice",null,"Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of Oxfam GB",22,42160,"803-818","Legal reform is necessary but not sufficient to realise women's rights. This paper compares two campaigns for legal reform in Nigeria: attempts to domesticate the UN Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) infederal law, which resulted in defeat of the bill in 2007, and a successful campaign to introduce legislation to prevent the mistreatment of widows in Anambra State. It considers the role of religion in the campaigns, by examining how the women's movement engaged with religious actors. The research shows that religious beliefs, discourses, and actors had a significant influence on the outcomes of the campaigns, in part because of the content of the proposed legislation, but also because of the strategies adopted by the campaigners and the interests of the religious bodies concerned. Despite the implication of religion in gender inequality, these cases show that religious teachings, leaders, and organisations can be allies rather than obstacles in achieving progressive social change.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2012.685875",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Africa, Sandy",2008,"South Africa: SSR after Apartheid","Donais, Timothy","Local Ownership and Security Sector Reform","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"169-189","This chapter evaluates the experience of local ownership of security sector reform in the South African context. It contrasts the conditions that preceded the transfer of political power with the challenges of the post-1994 period.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35614/526445/file/LocalOwnershipandSSR1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Africa, Sandy",2009,"The South African Intelligence Services: A Historical Perspective","Africa, Sandy and Kwadjo, Johnny","Changing Intelligence Dynamics in Africa","Birmingham","Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform/University of Birmingham",null,null,"61-94",null,"http://www.africansecuritynetwork.org/site/index.php?option=com_phocadownload&view=category&download=5:changing-intelligence-dynamics-in-africa&id=2:books&Itemid=186",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Ahorsu, Ken and Ame, Robert",2011,"Mediation with a Traditional Flavor in the Fodome Chieftaincy and Communal Conflicts",null,"African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review",null,"Indiana University Press",1,2,"1933-06-01","Mediation with a Traditional Flavor advocates the use of culturally tuned indigenous values, norms, and ethnographic practices as foundations for conflict resolution. It blends traditional African with Western mediation processes for greater efficiency. It is best situated at the interface between traditional African mediation, the imported Westminster judicial system, and today's Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms. African societies have undergone change as modern social formations; nevertheless, kinship and cultural bonds and practices have survived the maelstrom of modernization, providing psychosomatic and social safety nets in social change. Commitment to these primary ties provides a commonality of goals, values, interests, practices, and institutions that can be exploited as avenues for conflict resolution. The approach employed the traditional Ewe philosophy of conflict and peace, and its traditional discourses, symbolic orders, values, and decorum as frame that incorporated ADR principles and norms in order to resolve the Fodome chieftaincy and communal conflicts. The approach facilitated easy commitment of the factions to negotiate; trust was easily built; the parties identified easily with the settlements as their own; and the process was more amenable to mitigating conflict attitudes. These advantages were made possible by the incorporation into the process of traditional institutions, discourses, rites, and decorum that are embedded in Ewe philosophy and culture.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.1.2.6",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ghana",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Aitken, Katrina M",2010,"Justice should be blind, but is the international community's support to informal justice mechanisms in Nepal given blindly?",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"This paper builds on questions raised by earlier Saferworld research into IJMs, conducted between November 2009 and April 20102. This research revealed a complex and seemingly disjointed patchwork of donor-supported IJM projects, most of which were operating at a fairly small scale and without clear links either to formal or to other informal justice mechanisms. The research raised a number of challenging questions, including how and why donors first began supporting new IJMs, whether and how these new systems contribute to the strengthening of a broader system of justice in Nepal and to what extent their creation has supported ongoing peacebuilding efforts across the country","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/2310/20078/file/International%20Community%20Support%20to%20Informal%20Justice%20Nepal%20-%20Aitken%20(2010).pdf ",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Nepal",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Albrecht, Peter Alexander",2010,"Transforming internal security in Sierra Leone: Sierra Leone police and broader justice sector reform",null,null,null,"Danish Institute for International Studies",2010,7,null,"This report analyses how Sierra Leone Police (SLP) and broader justice sector reform has been integral to the process of the country’s state-building process since before conflict officially came to an end in January 2002. The report begins with a summary of the political and security context in which SLP reforms began and an overview of key aspects of the SSR process in Sierra Leone. It then analyses the reform effort specifically, under four broad headings. First, it provides an account of the institutional and political framework within which reforms took place. Second, it reviews a number of technical and operational initiatives undertaken to move reform forward. Third, it reviews institutional reforms to support rebuilding of the SLP. Finally, it addresses broader justice reform efforts that began with initiation of the Justice Sector Development Programme ( JSDP) in 2005 and designed to be continued in the Improved Access to Security and Justice Programme (IASJP), scheduled to begin in 2010.","http://www.dcism.dk/graphics/Publications/Reports2010/RP2010-07_transforming_Sierra_Leone_web.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x"]
["Albrecht, Peter and Jackson, Paul",2014,"State-building through security sector reform: the UK intervention in Sierra Leone",null,"Peacebuilding",null,null,2,1,"83-99","UK support to the reconstruction of the Sierra Leonean state has been widely held up as an example of successful state-building with the development of basic capacity and trust in public institutions, particularly security. This article examines security sector reform (SSR) in Sierra Leone, how Sierra Leone affected SSR and what implications that has for international interventions. Despite being hailed as a success, the sustainability of a state-building effort driven by concepts of the liberal state, a polity form that never existed in Sierra Leone, is in question. Unrealistic expectations of progress driven by planning imperatives of development agencies remain a key issue and obstacle to sustainability.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.866460",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Albrecht, Peter and Jackson, Paul",2014,"1997 - 2007: The Evolution of Security-Sector Reform in Sierra Leone","Albrecht, Peter and Jackson, Paul","Securing Sierra Leone: 1997 - 2013","London","Royal United Services Institute",null,null,"19-55","This chapter provides an overview of the reform process from 1997, the point at which the UK’s involvement with security-sector reform began in Sierra Leone. It continues through the early work on police reform up until the election of 2007, when the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) handed over State House to the All People’s Congress (APC).15 Starting with the overarching government department responsible for national security, the Office of National Security (ONS), and the country’s security architecture, the chapter outlines the role of the reconstructed MoD and the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF) – as the SLA was renamed in 2002. It then goes on to look at the tensions within the law and justice elements of SSR, and the post-conflict evolution of the SLP within this period. Finally, it analyses some of the core issues arising from these developments as the election took place in 2007, including national ownership and programme co-ordination.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02681307.2014.979591",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Alfitri, SH",2012,"Legal Reform Project, Access to Justice and Gender Equity in Indonesia",null,"Indonesian Journal of International Law",null,null,9,2,null,"This article is to discuss the impact of legal reform project between Indonesian and Australian government in assisting women, the poor and those living in remote areas to access the judiciary in Indonesia. Through the program access to the Religious Courts for divorce cases, for example, women are able to document their role as female heads of household. The document is necessary to facilitate access to the Indonesian Government pro-poor programs such as cash transfers, free health treatment, subsidized rice or enrolment of children at state schools. This article argues that the access to justice program in Religious Courts has positive impacts on gender equity development in Indonesia. This argument is based on AmartyaSen’s conception of development that must go well beyond “the accumulation of wealth and the growth of gross national product and other income-related variables.” Thus, the process of development is really all about removing “the unfreedoms” from which the members of society may suffer. Access to the Religious Courts program for women, the poor and marginalized groups, which was initially supported by the Australian Government through its agencies, has “opened” Indonesian government mind on how to address obstacles in removing “the unfreedoms” of gender discrimination caused by the family laws.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID2065497_code1425143.pdf?abstractid=1987810&mirid=1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Alves, Márcia C and Arias, Enrique Desmond",2012,"Understanding the Fica Vivo programme: two-tiered community policing in Belo Horizonte, Brazil",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,22,1,"101-113","This paper analyzes the efficacy of the Fica Vivo homicide control programme in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Our data shows that the programme encountered significant success in reducing homicides, as a result of its innovative two-tiered structure in which community-oriented policing units operated in conjunction with state-administered social programmes led by civil servants at each of the programme sites. These efforts helped to build local capacity to respond to violence and work with state officials, helped the police engage with residents in efforts to control violence, and enabled residents to hold police to account for local crime control efforts.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2011.597857",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"X",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Andemariam, Senai W",2011,"Ensuring Access to Justice Through Community Courts in Eritrea",null,"Traditional Justice: Practitioner's Perspectives","Rome, Italy","International Development Law Organization",null,null,null,"This article will review the contribution and impact of community courts in creating access to justice, empowering the poor to participate in the judicial process, and in efficiently integrating customary dispute settlement in the national legal system. Accordingly, it will illustrate how the two objectives of the establishment of community courts are being progressively achieved.","http://mercury.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/137066/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/04781560-8782-43ed-8c19-4c1aa6218ac7/en/WP2andemariam.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Eritrea",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ansorge, Josef Teboho",2011,"Monopoly, Legitimacy, Force: DDR-SSR Liberia","Civic, Melanne and Miklaucic, Michael","Monopoly of Force","Washington D.C.","National Defense University Press",null,null,"265-284","Security matters a great deal, especially to the most vulnerable members of a society. Yet the measures or processes that can most effectively achieve security are valid points of contention. The Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) and Security Sector Reform (SSR) programs in Liberia pose rich cases for the delineation of lessons learned as well as the identification of curious contradictions and potential paradoxes in the way these kinds of large-scale, postconflict reconstruction initiatives are designed, implemented, and measured. This chapter is a candid, down-range assessment by two practitioner-scholars who were closely involved with different aspects of the programs. While the DDR–SSR efforts in Liberia could be regarded as a success simply because they have persisted and there has not been a renewed outbreak of violence, at this stage it is safe to surmise that they have consolidated peace and security as well as contributed to the reconstruction of that country. This chapter describes the programs, highlights best practices, and identifies a number of areas for improvement, as well as important lessons and observations relevant to similar efforts in other countries.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID2041436_code1712897.pdf?abstractid=2041436&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Appiagyei-Atua, Kwadwo",2013,"Alternative Dispute Resolution and its Implications for Women's Access to Justice in Africa: Case-Study of Ghana",null,"Frontiers of Legal Research",null,null,1,1,"36-57","Western states have sought to globalise and popularise the practice of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) as a means of promoting access to justice in developing countries. In spite of the popularity of the practice, the issue as to whether and to what extent the benefits of the practice is spread evenly across gender lines with particular reference to Ghana and Africa in general has not been thoroughly examined. Tackling the issue from that angle, the paper contends that the introduction of ADR has no doubt helped women to obtain greater access to some form of justice. However, some of the inherent weaknesses located in the formal justice system remain embedded in the ADR process, thereby hindering women from reaping the full rewards of the ADR mechanism. Therefore, for ADR to promote qualitative justice for African women, the historical and cultural contexts informing gender biases in Africa have to be unearthed and dealt with. The paper concludes by proposing some solutions that may help women realise the maximum benefits in the use of ADR.","http://www.cscanada.net/index.php/flr/article/download/j.flr.1929663020130101.117/3609",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ghana",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Arias, Enrique Desmond and Ungar, Mark",2009,"Community Policing and Latin America's Citizen Security Crisis",null,"Comparative Politics",null,null,41,4,"409-429","Latin American countries pursue a variety of reforms to reduce and prevent violent crime, ranging from new penal codes to restructured police forces. The most promising and popular approach to crime reduction is community-oriented policing which, in contrast to most forms of traditional policing, seeks to empower citizens by building police-community partnerships. Similar reforms in two cities in Brazil and four in Honduras show that community policing will be most effective where executive and security officials engage with social groups, either through direct contact with civil society or through state institutions that address the concerns of highly violent poor areas.","http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041509x12911362972476",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil; Honduras",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Armstrong, Nicholas J, et al.",2012,"Security Sector Reform in Timor-Leste: Missed Opportunities and Hard Lessons in Empowering the Host-Nation",null,null,"Carlisle","Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute",null,null,null,"This paper examines the United Nation’s (UN) efforts in Timor-Leste (formerly East Timor) as an important case for the study of SSR and postconflict stabilization and reconstruction. The authors argue that, despite presumed favorable conditions especially when contrasted against other contemporary peace support operations, the SSR program has failed. The paper begins with a brief history of the UN’s efforts at SSR in Timor-Leste and then presents an analytical framework to assess these efforts based on the Guiding Principles for Stabilization and Reconstruction, co-authored by the U.S. Institute of Peace and U.S. Army Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute. Using this framework, the paper highlights several critical junctures where the international community could have better leveraged and empowered the host-nation to improve reform outcomes.","http://insct.syr.edu/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/PKSOI-Paper-Security-Sector-Reform-in-Timor-Leste.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Armytage, Livingston",2010,"Judicial reform in Asia: case study of AusAID's experience in Papua New Guinea: 2003 - 2007",null,"Journal of Development Effectiveness",null,null,2,4,"442-467","This case study evaluates the experience of Australia's aid agency (AusAID) in supporting bilateral judicial reform in Papua New Guinea through its Law and Justice Sector Program between 2003 and 2007. It marshals and evaluates a substantial body of new evidence from the Asia-Pacific region, which has been relatively under-studied in the academic discourse to date. The question to be addressed in this article is: what does the actual evidence of practice tell us about the nature and effectiveness of judicial and related legal reforms in Papua New Guinea? This case study adopts a documents-based, inductive, qualitative methodology to gather findings from the available evidence of reform endeavours. The structure of this article comprises three sections: an introduction to this empirical case study; the body of evidence provided, including background, findings and analysis; and conclusions that highlight their significance to two key issues relating to the purpose and evaluation of judicial reform endeavour. The evidence of practice provided by this case study is significant in supporting a number of key propositions. First, it reveals the still evolving nature of the judicial reform enterprise. Second, it demonstrates that AusAID has created some ‘results’. Third, it remains much more difficult to find any evidence of ‘success’ owing to the continuing conceptual fuzziness in the purpose and goals of endeavour, and the continuing lack of systematic monitoring and evaluation. Fourth, there are some tentative indications of an emerging capacity to demonstrate developmental effectiveness. In sum, while the Papua New Guinea experience conforms in many ways to the global literature, it highlights the incubation of a potentially paradigmatic shift in developing performance monitoring and evaluation capacity."," http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19439342.2010.525811",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Papua New Guinea",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Ashrafun, Laila and Säävälä, Minna",2014,"Domestic violence made public: a case study of the use of alternative dispute resolution among underprivileged women in Bangladesh",null,"Contemporary South Asia",null,null,22,2,"189-202","Disputes within the family and cases of domestic violence in Bangladesh have traditionally been resolved either among kinsmen or in village panchayats where young women have had less opportunity to be heard. This article describes a third-sector initiative in alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in cases of domestic violence in Sylhet, Bangladesh. Data from 20 case studies of female victims of domestic violence, interviews with six lawyers, and participant observation in 10 mediations in a counselling centre are used to examine how this kind of social innovation affects the bargaining position of battered women in a kin-based, patrilineal and patrilocal society. The battered women involved in these mediations were rural or urban, less educated, and economically disadvantaged. The findings illustrate the limitations of ADR in cases of domestic violence. ADR as practiced in Sylhet, Bangladesh provides poor women a chance to be publicly heard in mediations of their domestic crises. However, ADR often fails to deliver lasting, just, and socially progressive solutions. The adoption of ADR practices should not be considered as an alternative to the development of the formal judicial system, because it lacks the power to enforce agreements and supports the hegemonic status quo, leaving the battered woman and her natal family with very limited options.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2014.899983",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Astrada, Sebastian R",2009,"Exporting the rule of law to Mongolia: post-socialist legal and judicial reforms",null,"Denver Journal of International Law and Policy",null,null,38,3,461,"This article analyzes Mongolia's legal and judicial reforms and the efforts of international organizations and outside states to assist or encourage those reforms. Most international organizations and outside states predicate their legal assistance on establishing the \"rule of law, \" but they rarely operate from a developed definition of this concept. This article analyzes what the concept of \"rule of law\" commonly means, and establishes a cogent and tangible, and procedurally-minimalist, rule of law definition. This article then uses this formulation to analyze Mongolia's legal and judicial reforms. Mongolia's experiences demonstrate four important best practices for future rule of law promotion: (1) judicial independence is the cornerstone of the rule of law; (2) formal government action plans offer \"more bang for your buck; \" (3) public participation and sentiment is a proxy for the institutionalization of the norms and culture of the rule of law; and (4) the leverage of donor coordination pays dividends","http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=sebastian_astrada",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mongolia",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ayub, Fatima, et al.",2009,"Security sector reform in Afghanistan",null,null,"Brussels","Initiative for Peacebuilding",null,null,null,"This brief report describes and analyses security sector reform, including rule of law and disarmament processes, in Afghanistan for the purposes of developing knowledge of these areas for European stakeholders. The findings of the report indicate that political choices made early on in the state-building process have contributed to the current governance and rule of law deficit in Afghanistan. European actions have been marked by a lack of coordination between political and development assistance as well as diverse – and sometimes conflicting – priorities between European Union institutions and its Member States. While efforts to promote more accountability within the Afghan government have taken some shape, more action is needed to promote stability and good governance in the country. The recommendations of this report are intended to serve as guidelines for general security sector reform; ensuring rule of law; and establishment of a professional civilian police force within the Afghan context.","http://www.initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/pdf/Security_Sector_Reform_in_Afghanistan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Azimi, Abdul Salam and Tah, Christiana",2011,"Justice Development Programming in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Areas: Perspectives of Two Leaders in Justice Administration",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"This spoken presentation profiles the efforts of the Supreme Court of Afghanistan to produce effective plans for developing that court and the judicial system in general. It offers an assessment of the limits of financial assistance by donors in bringing about rapid improvements in the quality of the judiciary. It argues for the need to invest in the human capital of the justice system as the most important—though time consuming—strategy for overcoming poor judicial performance and reducing corruption in the justice system. It also explains the strategic planning processes of the Supreme Court of Afghanistan and the reasons why the court’s current plan deserves continued and sustained support from donors. This paper reviews the record of the current government of Liberia in bringing about substantive improvements in the performance of the justice system with the support of donors. It identifies the shortages and deficiencies of Liberia’s human capital and the need to adopt policy frameworks that can foster better performance of the justice system by strengthening the capabilities of individuals who participate in justice administration. As with the presentation made by Chief Justice Azimi, this paper emphasizes the need to recognize the effect of prolonged warfare over many years on the ability of young citizens to adopt standards of ethical conduct that they have not previously witnessed among government office holders. It also highlights the plans the government of the Republic of Liberia has developed for the justice sector and the value of thoughtfully leveraging donor support in fulfilling those plans.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/18108/655090WP0J0D0140110Box361565B00PUBLIC0.pdf?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan; Liberia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Baaz, Maria Eriksson and Stern, Maria",2013,"Fearless Fighters and Submissive Wives: Negotiating Identity among Women Soldiers in the Congo (DRC)",null,"Armed Forces & Society",null,null,39,4,"711-739","This article addresses an underreported aspect of contemporary warring in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): the experiences of women soldiers and officers in the Congolese national armed forces (Forces Arm√©es de la R√©publique D√©mocratique du Congo [FARDC]). It thus addresses an empirical gap in scholarly and policy knowledge about female soldiers in national armies on the African continent, and the DRC in particular. Based on original interviews, the article explores the way female soldiers in the FARDC understand their identities as ‚Äúwomen soldiers‚Äù and offers new insight into women soldiers‚Äô role and responsibilities in the widespread violence committed against civilians in the DRC. Moreover, it explores how their understanding of themselves as ‚Äúwomen soldiers‚Äù both challenges and confirms familiar notions of the army as a masculine sphere. Such insight is important for better understanding the gendered makeup of the military and for contributing to a knowledge base for Security Sector Reform in this violent (post)conflict setting.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x12459715",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Baaz, Maria Eriksson and Verweijen, Judith",2013,"The volatility of a half-cooked bouillabaisse: Rebel-military integration and conflict dynamics in the eastern DRC",null,"African Affairs",null,null,112,449,"563-582","In early 2012, Congolese army deserters formed the M23 rebel movement. This article analyses the insurgency and other armed group activity in the eastern DRC in the light of the politics of rebel-military integration. It argues that military integration processes have fuelled militarization in three main ways. First, by creating incentive structures promoting army desertion and insurgent violence; second, by fuelling inter- and intra-community conflicts; and third, by the further unmaking of an already unmade army. We argue that this is not merely the product of a ‘lack of political will’ on behalf of the DRC government, but must be understood in the light of the intricacies of Big Man politics and Kinshasa's weak grip over both the fragmented political-military landscape in the east and its own coercive arm. Demonstrating the link between military integration and militarization, the article concludes that these problems arise from the context and implementation of integration, rather than from the principle of military power sharing itself. It thus highlights the crucial agency of political-military entrepreneurs, as shaped by national-level policies, in the production of ‘local violence’.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adt044",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Badong, Paschal Anayenle",2009,"Security Provision in Ghana: What is the Role and Impact of Non-State Actors?",null,"African Leadership Centre Report No.5","London","King's College London",null,null,null,"Few known comprehensive empirical studies have been carried out in Ghana or Africa as a whole on the role or contribution of non-state actors to the provision of security to citizens, rather than the state, in peacetime. However, some empirical and theoretical studies have been carried out on the roles and activities of private military and security companies in conflict and post-conflict settings.8 Yet, in situations in which the state is increasingly unable to provide adequate security for its citizens due to lack of resources, the absence of political will and rising social disequilibrium, non-state actors tend to fill the gap created. Nevertheless, there have been varied experiences with non-state actors, particularly in fragile political and social environments. Although they have helped provide security for citizens, some of them have become increasingly politicized and turned into paramilitary vanguards of political interests. Others have become instruments used by private citizens to settle private scores. In the process, they have swung between criminality and security provisioning. In spite of their growing profile in Ghana there is yet no attempt to enumerate and map these non-state security actors, audit their activities and profile the social and political implications of their activities. Where discourse has been carried on about these groups, it has been to relegate them, particularly those dealing with security and safety, to the realm of criminality. This study aims to fill in this gap by examining the role and impact that non-state actors have on security in the country.","http://www.kcl.ac.uk/aboutkings/worldwide/initiatives/global/alc/publications/ALCReportNo5Badong.pdf",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ghana",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Bagayoko, Niagalé",2010,"Multi-level Governance and Security: The Security Sector Reform Process in the Central African Republic",null,"IDS Working Papers","Brighton","Institute for Development Studies",null,351,null,"This paper analyses how the security sector reform (SSR) process in the Central African Republic has been defined and then implemented, putting emphasis on the interactions between national and international actors. Therefore, it advocates an approach which consists of expanding the agenda of the traditional multi-level governance approach and which seeks to seize both the top-down and the bottom-up dynamics of decision-making processes. The first objective is to capture the sets of actors and procedures which drive the reform process, and to map out the various levels of government at which decisions are made. Secondly – and more fundamentally – is to capture the intermingling of domestic and international decision-making processes which increasingly overlap and interfere with each other in Southern countries.","http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/898/Wp351.pdf?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Central African Republic",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2008,"Community policing in Freetown, Sierra Leone: foreign import or local solution?",null,"Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding",null,null,2,1,"23-42","Though community policing is widely promoted by donors and criticized by academics, there has been little research on its practice in Africa. This essay examines one of the main elements of community policing, namely community forums, in Freetown, Sierra Leone. They were examined from the point of view of the police, Partnership Board executives and local communities. The triangulation of response provided an evaluation of their strengths and weaknesses. Positively they have improved communication between police and communities and provided intelligence, investigation, intervention, arrest and dispute resolution. Negatively they are elite dominated and most of the activities, initiatives and even finance come from the community. Despite the difficulties, the Partnership Boards are universally valued and are not seen as unwelcome foreign imports.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970701810864",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2008,"Beyond the Tarmac Road: Local Forms of Policing in Sierra Leone & Rwanda",null,"Review of African Political Economy",null,null,35,118,"555-570","Civil war deeply disrupted policing in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, leaving their state police forces inadequate in numbers, skills and resources to serve all citizens. In this security vacuum local forms of policing play an important role. The article argues that the country-specific pattern of local forms of policing depends on three factors: the nature of the conflict and peace settlement; the regime ideology; and the level of regime insecurity and fear of conflict recurring. The empirical data concerning the local policing groups is presented under three headings: crime prevention and intervention; investigation and resolution; and punishment. The article concludes with an assessment of the hazards and potential for states and donors supporting such groups. They are certainly flawed agencies in the eyes of both users and government, but in a context of less than fair and accountable state policing, their widespread provision and support is not to be dismissed lightly.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240802569235",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda; Sierra Leone",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2009,"A policing partnership for post-war Africa? Lessons from Liberia and southern Sudan",null,"Policing & Society",null,null,19,4,"372-389","The paper examines partnerships between the police and local groups engaged in policing in two fragile African states southern Sudan and Liberia. There is a tendency in Africa for such partnerships to function as local policing activities assisted by the police. This is in contrast to the model more familiar in the West, where partnerships tend to function as the police assisted by local policing activities. The article evaluates two examples of the African alternative model. First, a long-standing partnership in southern Sudan where policing is provided by customary chiefs. Second, one that is emerging in Liberia in the wake of the failure of a partnership based on community police forums. The relative success of the first model and the relative failure of the second model and its replacement by the first, raise the question of what constitutes a suitable and sustainable policing partnership in a fragile state.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460902871330",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia; Southern Sudan",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2010,"Sierra Leone Police Reform: the role of the UK government",null,"GRIPS Discussion Papers","Tokyo","GRIPS Policy Research Centre",null,null,null,"Sierra Leone's civil war left development urgently needing security and security urgently needing reform. The initial UK response was un-coordinated until the Poverty Reduction Strategy 2004 which highlighted the importance of security. The SSR review, in response, made the security-development link explicit and all state security providers together with the judiciary, oversight mechanisms and relevant NGOs were brought together under the Justice Sector Development Programme. This review of police reform, questions its understanding of the political context; the wisdom of ignoring chiefs and commercial security; and the poorly conceived community policing programme. Overall the UK's most important police reform programme proved too ambitious.","http://www3.grips.ac.jp/~pinc/data/10-06.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2010,"Resource constraint and policy in Liberia's post-conflict policing",null,"Police Practice and Research: An International Journal",null,null,11,3,"184-196","The paper investigates to what extent the inadequacies of the Liberia police can be attributed to state resource constraint. It concludes that policing policies by the government and the UN Mission to Liberia (UNMIL) have exacerbated the difficulties. The policies ignore a multi-layered approach that would utilise the resources of commercial, community-based, and customary policing. Further, policing effectiveness has been undermined by duplication; inadequate vetting processes; an absence of robust disciplinary processes; and a culture that is reactive, secretive, and reluctant to take initiative. Resource constraint should be allowed for, not as an excuse for bad policing, but as a reality that shapes appropriate policing policies.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260902742168",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2010,"Linking state and non-state security and justice",null,"Development Policy Review",null,null,28,5,"597-616","Until recently links between state and non-state security and justice have been given scant attention, despite being an important part of safety and security provision in the South. This article examines the circumstances in which such linkages occur; the benefits enjoyed by the partners; and the problems encountered. It considers how their success is to be measured, and how and when they can be facilitated and made sustainable. It comes to the conclusion that, for all their limitations, states, donors and international agencies would be foolish to ignore links with non-state security and justice providers.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.2010.00500.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2011,"Justice and security architecture in Africa: the plans, the bricks, the purse and the builder",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"25-47","This article examines international interventions in policing and justice in Sub-Saharan Africa. It calls for increased local ownership and realistic plans that are based on what is available, affordable, effective and legitimate whether this is state provision or not. Yet international development agencies, even when they recognise the importance of so-called ‘non-state’ actors, are still primarily concerned with building state provision. When, however, the categories of ‘state’ and ‘non-state’ are examined more critically, it is seen that the boundary between these categories of actors is blurred, dynamic and subject to local negotiation. The indications are that the distinction between ‘state’ and ‘non-state’ is maintained because it serves the interest of powerful actors, including international donors. Conversely, the distinction makes little sense to ordinary citizens, who are more concerned with who actually provides quality policing and justice, not with who authorises it. Based on these observations, the article supports an alternative, ‘multi-layered’ approach to policing and justice, which is based on the inclusion of a plurality of providers and which has an emphasis on networks.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2011.10756656",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2011,"Justice for survivors of sexual violence in Kitgum, Uganda",null,"Journal of Contemporary African Studies",null,null,29,3,"245-262","Based on fieldwork in the Kitgum district of northern Uganda, this paper investigates the experience of justice for the large number of survivors, female and male, of sexual violence as a result of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency and its aftermath. It asks: what justice do survivors of sexual violence want; what access to justice do survivors of LRA sexual violence have; what access to justice do the survivors of current sexual violence have; and what are the problems faced with delivering justice. It finds that the response has been minimal, ineffective and inappropriate. It concludes that the neglect of justice has serious implications for the attitudes on Acholi people towards the current Uganda government, for it perpetuates the perceived sense of marginalisation felt by many Acholi and which was a contributor to the LRA rebellion.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2011.581471",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Uganda",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Baker, Bruce",2013,"Where Formal and Informal Justice Meet: Ethiopia's Justice Pluralism",null,"Aftican Journal of International and Comparative Law",null,null,21,2,"202-218","This article examines some of the informal justice practices and the links between informal and formal justice currently practised in Ethiopia. It therefore uses the term 'informal justice provider' to denote one that offers informal justice and not to denote the nature of the provider's authorisation. The article focuses on three questions. First, what justice providers are using informal practices at Kebele and Woreda level? Second, what formal-informal justice linkages exist? Third, how well does informal justice work, that is, how effective is it from the point of view of providers and users, and what difficulties do informal-formal linkages solve or not solve?","http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2013.0059",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ethiopia",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Balchin, Cassandra",2011,"Strengthening International Programming on Access to Justice for the Poor and for Women: Lessons learned from Pakistan's Musalihat Anjumans and other","Albrecht, P.A., Kyed, H.M. and Harper, E.","Perspectives on involving non-state and customary actors in justice and security reform. Rome: International Development Law Organisation/Danish Institute for International Studies. http://www. idlo. int/Publications/DIIS_Book. Pdf","Copenhagen","Danish Institute for International Studies",null,null,"82-106","This chapter focuses on justice sector reform programming regarding plural legal orders implemented by or supported by multilateral and bilateral development agencies and policy-makers. Local women‟s rights and human rights activists have been engaged in this process for decades and despite their limited resources often have been very successful (some examples are discussed below). But in comparison, the international financial institutions, multilateral agencies and bilateral agencies that support justice sector programming have far greater resources, have greater influence over governments, and can promote the reform of entire justice systems through supporting large-scale national governance programmes such as decentralisation. It is therefore vital to ensure that such powerful justice sector programming takes into account the needs and rights of marginalized groups.","http://pure.diis.dk/ws/files/61420/DIIS_Book.pdf",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Pakistan",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Ball, Nicole",2014,"Putting governance at the heart of Security Sector Reform - Lessons from the Burundi-Netherlands Security Sector Development Programme",null,null,"The Hague","Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael",null,null,null,"Democratically governed security and justice sectors are a core objective of the Security Sector Development (SSD) agenda. But few such programmes put governance front and centre. The Burundi-Netherlands Security Sector Development Programme has broken new ground in the promotion of democratic security sector development. It has begun to break down barriers to security-sector secrecy, increase dialogue on governance aspects, enhance security-sector accountability to civil authorities and its adherence to (inter)national law, although many hurdles still remain. It has achieved these results by proactively addressing the politics of change at all levels and on a daily basis, establishing results progressively, prioritizing the gradual development of national ownership and matching timeframe with ambition and environment, recognizing that small steps can be important milestones in countries setting out along the road to democratic governance. In this report, senior visiting fellow Nicole Ball of Clingendael's Conflict Research Unit analyzes the Dutch SSD program in Burundi, its governance achievements and its challenges going forward.","http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/Putting%20governance%20at%20the%20heart%20of%20SSR.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Ball, Nicole",2014,"Lessons from Burundi's Security Sector Reform Process",null,null,"Washington D.C.","Africa Center for Strategic Studies",null,null,null,"Progress made by Burundi’s Security Sector Development (SSD) program in advancing democratic security sector governance is noteworthy given that there have been relatively few successful security sector reform cases from which to draw. Political will for security sector reform was expanded over time by supporting tangible priorities of the Burundian security sector that established the trust enabling broader engagement on governance issues. The relative success of the SSD program—and particularly its governance pillar—depended heavily on its ability to address politically sensitive issues. SSD’s 8-year timeframe provided the time to adapt the program to evolving circumstances, facilitate increasing Burundian ownership of the reform process, and realize the incremental gains from which substantive change was possible.","http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/ASB-29-Lessons-from-Burundis-SSR-Process.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ball, Nicole and van de Goor, Luc",2013,"The challenges of supporting effective security and justice development programming",null,null,"Paris","OECD-DAC",null,null,null,"The ultimate objective of this work is to provide practical recommendations to a central question: How can international support to security and justice development in fragile and conflict-affected states be made more effective? It takes a number of the critical challenges that come with the principles and approaches underlying the OECD DAC Handbook on Security System Reform: Supporting Security and Justice (OECD 2008), and investigates how they have, or have not, been addressed over the past years. Its purpose is to identify a small number of themes that merit deeper investigation involving a much wider set of stakeholders. The purpose was not to make policy and programmatic recommendations at this point.","http://www.oecd.org/governance/governance-peace/conflictandfragility/docs/WP9%20Improving%20security%20and%20justice%20programming.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi; Guinea-Bissau; Haiti; Nepal; South Sudan; Timor Leste","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Ball, Nicole, et al.",2012,"From Quick Wins to Long-Term Profits? Burundi case study",null,null,"Paris","OECD-DAC",null,null,null,"As part of its ongoing work on developing better approaches to support security and justice engagements in fragile states, INCAF commissioned a study of security and justice programming in Burundi. The overall program of work seeks to develop operational advice on how four key challenges can be addressed by incorporating key elements of process into programming: 1) getting to grips with the politics of ownership, 2) identifying results that matter, 3) establishing monitoring mechanisms that drive real-time program development and resource allocation and 4) ensuring that suitable management structures drive programs. The program also seeks to demonstrate to senior international decision makers how ‚Äúdomestic‚Äù imperatives (political and organizational) can be combined with the requirements for effective engagement in long and uncertain transformational security and justice change processes.","http://www.ciponline.org/images/uploads/publications/290312_Report_SJ_Burundi_final.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Banerjee, Abhijit V, et al.",2012,"Improving police performance in Rajasthan, India: Experimental evidence on incentives, managerial autonomy and training",null,null,"New Delhi","National Bureau of Economic Research",null,null,null,"The role of good management practices in organizations has recently been emphasized. Do the same principles also apply in government organizations, even the most bureaucratic and hierarchical of them? And can skilled, motivated managers identify how to improve these practices, or is there a role for outsiders to help them in this task? Two unique large-scale randomized trials conducted in collaboration with the state police of Rajasthan, India sought to increase police efficiency and improve interactions with the public. In a sample of 162 police stations serving almost 8 million people, the first experiment tested four interventions recommended by police reform panels: limitations of arbitrary transfers, rotation of duty assignments and days off, increased community involvement, and on-duty training. Field experience motivated a novel fifth intervention: “decoy” visits by field officers posing as citizens attempting to register cases, which gave constables incentives to behave more professionally. Only two of these, training and decoy visits, had robust impacts. The other three, which would have reduced middle managers’ autonomy, were poorly implemented and ineffective. Building upon these findings, we designed a second experiment that provided explicit incentives to police officers to carry out sobriety traffic checkpoints and did not rely on middle managers. Linking good performance with the promise of a transfer from the reserve barracks to a desirable police station posting, these incentives worked within existing organizational constraints and had very large effects on performance.","http://economics.mit.edu/files/10192","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Banerjee, Abhijit, et al.",2012,"Can institutions be reformed from within? Evidence from a randomized experiment with the Rajasthan police",null,null,"New Delhi","National Bureau of Economic Research",null,null,null,"Institutions in developing countries, particularly those inherited from the colonial period, are often thought to be subject to strong inertia. This study presents the results of a unique randomized trial testing whether these institutions can be reformed through incremental administrative change. The police department of the state of Rajasthan, India collaborated with researchers at US and Indian universities to design and implement four interventions to improve police performance and the public’s perception of the police in 162 police stations (covering over one-fifth of the State’s police stations and personnel): (1) placing community observers in police stations; (2) a freeze on transfers of police staff; (3) in‐service training to update skills; and (4) weekly duty rotation with a guaranteed day off per week. These reforms were evaluated using data collected through two rounds of surveys including police interviews, decoy visits to police stations, and a large-scale public opinion and crime victimization survey—the first of its kind in India. The results illustrate that two of the reform interventions, the freeze on transfers and the training, improved police effectiveness and public and crime victims’ satisfaction. The decoy visits also led to an improvement in police performance. The other reforms showed no robust effects. This may be due to constraints on local implementation: The three successful interventions did not require the sustained cooperation of the communities or the local authorities (the station heads) and they were robustly implemented throughout the project. In contrast, the two unsuccessful interventions, which required local implementation, were not systematically implemented.","http://economics.mit.edu/files/7783","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bank, Asian Development",2009,"Legal Empowerment for Women and Disadvantaged Groups",null,null,"Manila","Asian Development Bank",null,null,null,"This report features three pilot projects in Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Pakistan and an overview of the Asian Development Bank's technical assistance for legal empowerment. In addition, methods for measuring the impact of legal empowerment programs is also addressed. A project evaluation report is included","http://asiafoundation.org/resources/pdfs/LegalEmpowerment.pdf","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh; Indonesia; Pakistan",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x"]
["Bank, Asian Development",2009,"ADB Technical Assistance for Justice Reform in Developing Member Countries",null,null,"Manila","Asian Development Bank",null,null,null,"This is the first special evaluation study (SES) on the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) technical assistance (TA) for justice reform in its developing member countries (DMCs). Justice reform is a small but important part of ADB's operations in law and policy reform. The latter is evaluated mostly as part of ADB's project, program, sectoral, thematic, and country assistance performance evaluations, but justice reform assistance has not received the attention it merits. ADB's justice reform assistance has mainly been through TAs and more recently, also in the form of loans or part of a loan to a few DMCs such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, and the Philippines. The program completion report for the loan to Pakistan is underway, while the other loans are still being implemented. The SES focuses therefore on only justice reform TAs, with the limited objective of evaluating their performance and informing future operations in this area. The SES is intended to highlight to the Board and Management the usefulness of ADB's continuing support for justice reform in implementing Strategy 2020.","http://www.oecd.org/derec/adb/47155864.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Barakat, Sultan and Zyck, Steven A",2009,"State building and post-conflict demilitarization: military downsizing in Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"Contemporary Security Policy",null,null,30,3,"548-572","In 2002, conventional wisdom held that the consolidation of Bosnia’s three ethnically distinct armies into a single force under a unitary chain of command was an unrealistically ambitious goal for the foreseeable future. NATO’s Secretary-General agreed that year to remove defence reform as a precondition to Partnership for Peace (PfP) membership, a first step towards NATO accession.1 However, less than two years later defence reform was being implemented, albeit incrementally and begrudgingly, and those seemingly distant goals were near at hand.2 Scholars and policymakers quickly focused on the motives for this unlikely reform process and the institutions it would produce.3 However, since 2006, the year in which Bosnia’s armies and defence ministries formally united, the literature has gone silent on the topic of defence reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The fact that institutional defence reform had been achieved overshadowed discussions of its impact and long-term implications. This article attempts to fill this gap by addressing the following question: how has military downsizing been implemented within the scope of defence reform, and how has its implementation either supported or hindered broader state building agendas in BiH?","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260903327667",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Barany, Zoltan",2014,"Building National Armies after Civil War: Lessons from Bosnia, El Salvador, and Lebanon",null,"Political Science Quarterly",null,null,129,2,"211-238","THE RECENT LITERATURE ON CIVIL WARS IS WIDE and deep; a number of major studies compel us to rethink what we know about this important subject. One of the areas that has eluded concerted scholarly attention has been the question of how national armies can be developed that satisfy the imperatives of post‐civil war reconciliation and democratic consolidation. This issue is at the center of this article.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12181",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina; El Salvador; Lebanon",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Baranyi, Stephen and Salahub, Jennifer Erin",2011,"Police reform and democratic development in lower-profile fragile states",null,"Canadian Journal of Development Studies/Revue canadienne d'études du développement",null,null,32,1,"48-63","Drawing on original case studies of police reform in Burundi, Haiti and Southern Sudan, this article demonstrates that developmental approaches to SSR have more scope for application in fragile states that are not at war or involved in the War on Terror. Yet, even in such contexts, the case studies suggest that key factors complicate the application of developmental approaches. A social constructivist framework is used to explain how agency at the national and international levels, cultural constructs such as patrimonial politics and structures such as economic underdevelopment, converge to shape the prospects for SSR in these lower-profile fragile states.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2011.576150",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi; Haiti; South Sudan",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Barbara Chikwanha, Annie and Hutton, Lauren",2011,"Institutions, laws and services: Institutions, laws and services: Exploring justice sector reform in South Sudan",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"For the new South Sudanese state, security and justice service delivery are key tasks to establish stability, development and sustainable human security. This report analyses the justice sector in South Sudan and focuses on the following issues: a review of the current status of the justice sector and access to justice in South Sudan; an assessment of the intervention efforts in the sector that takes into account the international and national efforts to reform the justice sector since 2005; the identification of priorities and programming requirements for improved support to the justice sector. This report serves to inform the process of developing a clear and comprehensive agenda for judicial reform in South Sudan.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/S%20Sudan%20Institutions%20laws%20and%20services.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Barea, Juan Carlos Castilla",2013,"The Malian Armed Forces Reform and the Future of EUTM",null,null,"Madrid","Instituto Español de Estudios Estratégicos",null,null,null,"The Malian Armed Forces are one of the parts involved in the conflict in Mali, and they can be part of the solution. The reforms of the sectors of defence and security are ongoing. In accordance with the Ouagadougou Agreement the new Malian government could negotiate aspects of these reforms, and the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process for fighters. The European Union advises the Ministry of Malian Defence and instructs its new units. One battalion size unit has already deployed in the North of the country, and a second unit is close to doing so. The European Union Training Mission (EUTM) in Mali is currently being revised; a strategic review is on process since September, considering the Mission Commander´s proposals, and the after presidential elections. EUTM Mali could be a medium or long term EU engagement with Mali, within the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) framework.","http://www.ieee.es/en/Galerias/fichero/docs_opinion/2013/DIEEEO93-2013_EUTM_Mali_CastillaBarea_ENGLISH.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mali",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Barendrecht, Maurits, et al.",2013,"Impact assessment of the Facilitadores Judiciales programme in Nicaragua",null,"WIDER Working Paper","Helsinki","UNU-WIDER",null,null,null,"Facilitadores Judiciales is a programme run by the Organization of the American States and the Nicaraguan judiciary. The main objective of the programme is to improve access to justice for the disadvantaged people in Nicaragua. From 1998 to 2010 the programme was implemented in almost all rural and isolated areas of the country. In 2010, facilitators were recruited and trained in many but not all urban municipalities. This presented an opportunity for a natural experiment to assess the impact of the programme and identify the ‘drivers’ for success. Before (2010) and after (2013) quantitative and qualitative studies were conducted in intervention and control areas. The quantitative results show confirmation of some of the hypothesised effects of the Facilitadores Judiciales programme. Other effects are indicated by the numerous in-depth interviews but are not substantiated by hard data.","http://www.wider.unu.edu/publications/working-papers/2013/en_GB/wp2013-113/_files/92636650894263110/default/WP2013-113.pdf","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nicaragua",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Barnett, Christopher, et al.",2009,"Country programme evaluation: Ethiopia",null,null,"London","Department for International Development (UK)",null,null,null,"This evaluation of DFID's Ethiopia country programme is one of a series of regular Country Programme Evaluations (CPEs) commissioned by DFID's Evaluation Department. The studies are intended to improve performance, contribute to lesson learning and inform the development of future strategy at country level. Collectively, the CPEs are important in terms of DFID's corporate accountability and enable wider lessons across the organisation to be identified and shared.","https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/67735/cnty-pgm-eval-et-apr09.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ethiopia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Barria, Lilian A and Roper, Steven D",2008,"Judicial capacity building in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Understanding legal reform beyond the completion strategy of the ICTY",null,"Human Rights Review",null,null,9,3,"317-330","This article examines how international institutions serve to diffuse human rights norms and create judicial capacity building in post-conflict societies. Specifically, we examine how the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the Office of the High Representative have influenced the reform of domestic courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). We place these reforms within the broader debate over restructuring the complex system of government in BiH. Since 2005, domestic courts in BiH have had jurisdiction over the following: (1) Cases which were initially under the jurisdiction of the domestic courts but remanded to the ICTY and recently returned to BiH. (2) Cases which originated at the ICTY and have been transferred to the State Court, and (3) new cases which originated and remained in the domestic court system. We find that while human rights norms have been incorporated into the new legal code, the diffusion of these human rights norms has been inadequate because of the lack of judicial capacity building. While some courts in the capital enjoy significant resources, the vast majority of cases will be tried at provincial courts which are under-funded and unable to prosecute the significant number of cases. Moreover, the government structure of BiH has had a decidedly negative impact on the prosecution of these cases. Ultimately, the rule of law requires consistency of approach and funding to protect human rights throughout the state","http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-007-0052-0",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bassu, Giovanni",2008,"Law Overruled: Strengthening the Rule of Law in Postconflict States",null,"Global Governance",null,null,14,1,"21-38","There is a growing gap between what is meant by the rule of law in political discourse, its implementation by practitioners, and the development of the concept in academic analysis. Politically, it is often used interchangeably with democracy and good governance, which form part of a reform \"package.\" Practitioners tend to reduce it to judicial reform programs, which have not had a high rate of success in strengthening the rule of law when measured against a broader \"academic\" notion of the concept. This article attempts to introduce some clarity to the plurality of meanings of the rule of law, look at ways in which it has recently been applied in international cooperation, and map out a new approach to promote it in post-conflict states.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/27800689",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kosovo; Haiti",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Bastick, Megan",2008,"Integrating gender in post-conflict security sector reform",null,"DCAF Policy Papers No. 29","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"This paper explores the case and methods for addressing gender issues in postconflict SSR processes, drawing upon experiences in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Liberia, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste, and potential models from Serbia and South Africa. Section II further defi nes the concepts of SSR and gender, as well as their relationship to each other. The rationale for and experiences of gender mainstreaming in SSR and promoting the full and equal participation of men and women in SSR processes are discussed in section III, with practical examples from post-confl ict settings. Section IV focuses on promoting women’s participation in post-confl ict security services. Section V examines some challenges for key postconfl ict SSR and SSR-related activities, including gender dimensions in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) processes, transitional justice and justice reform. Section VI summarizes the case for integrating gender into future SSR programming and policymaking and outlines the key opportunities and challenges.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35609/526435/file/pp29.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan; Kosovo; Liberia; Peru; Rwanda; Sierra Leone; Timor-Leste",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Baumgartner, Samuel P",2011,"Does Access to Justice Improve Compliance with Human Rights Norms-An Empirical Study",null,"Cornell International Law Journal",null,null,44,3,"441-491","In this Article, I set out to test one hypothesis explaining conformance of nations with human rights norms derived from a number of these theories-that the more a country grants individuals access to its courts, the less likely that country is to violate international human rights norms.","http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol44/iss3/1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Beall, Jo and Fox, Sean",2011,"PD4: mitigating conflict and violence in Africa's rapidly growing cities",null,"Migration and Global Environmental Change","London","UK Government Office for Science",null,null,null,"Over the past 50 years, the urban population of sub-Saharan Africa has expanded at a historically unprecedented rate. Although there is little evidence that urbanisation increases the likelihood of conflict or violence in a country, Africa’s urban transition has occurred in a context of economic stagnation and poor governance, producing conditions conducive to social unrest and violence. In order to improve urban security in the years ahead the underlying risk factors must be addressed, including urban poverty, inequality and fragile political institutions. This, in turn, requires improving urban governance in the region, including strengthening the capacity of local government institutions, addressing the complex political dynamics that impede effective urban planning and management, and cultivating integrated development strategies that involve cooperation between various tiers and spheres of government and civil society.","http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/41855/1/pd4-mitigating-conflict-in-africas-cities.pdf(lsero).pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Beato, C. and Silveira, A. M.",2014,"Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais",null,"Stability: International Journal of Security and Development",null,null,3,1,null,"This essay analyzes previous studies evaluating the effectiveness of the crime prevention policies adopted by the Government of Minas Gerais (Brazil). In this work, greater emphasis is placed on studies evaluating outcomes than on studies dealing with the process of setting up and implementing programs and projects. In order to allow a more systematic discussion, the Maryland Scale, which categorizes research and evaluations according to the methodological strengths and weaknesses in five levels, is employed. Subsequently, the authors draw a parallel between Brazil and other settings. Finally, this essay lays out the implications of this discussion regarding the prevention programs.","http://doi.org/10.5334/sta.dr",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Becker, Jenny and Kuranchie, Akosua",2012,"Freedom through Association: Assessing the Contributions of Female Staff Associations to Gender-Sensitive Police Reform in West Africa",null,null,"Ottawa","The North-South Institute",null,null,null,"This study explores what women are doing in police services to change the nature of their work in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ghana. It reveals that, while female police staff associations are not overtly contributing to security sector reform, they are contributing to changing the culture of policing and assisting female officers assert themselves within the service. The supporting role the associations’ play — while not explicit — provides female officers with the means to challenge the system. Support networks, regular meetings and burden sharing through welfare activities builds confidence among female police in the face of negative stereotypes and traditional gender roles that can hinder a woman’s advancement in non-traditional professions. Female police associations have the capacity to do more concrete work – for example, launching mentorship programs for junior female officers and engaging in sectoral reform monitoring efforts. Moreover, female associations have solid perspectives on what needs to be changed within the policing system that directly disadvantages women. Encouragingly, all three associations of female police studied have the ability to further the SSR process, have a concerted interest in improving their services and broadening their membership base, and have the drive to do so.","http://www.nsi-ins.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/2011-Freedom-through-Association-Assessing-the-Contributions-of-Female-Police-Staff-Associations-to-Gender-Sensitive-Police-Reform-in-West-Africa.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia; Sierra Leone; Ghana",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Benavente, José Miguel, et al.",2011,"Anti-Crime Programs: An Evaluation of the Comuna Segura Program",null,"Estudios de Economía",null,null,38,2,370,"The aim of this paper is to evaluate the impact that the anti-crime program Comuna Segura: Compromiso 100 had on the reporting rate of different types of crimes. This program, implemented in Chile starting in 2001, was very highly criticized and, therefore, was eliminated in 2006. This paper provides statistical evidence, using the impact assessment methodology, which shows that the program was successful in increasing the reporting rate in targeted municipalities and also in decreasing levels of crimes associated with other crimes, such as rape. All this underlies the importance of carrying out formal impact assessments in order to determine benefits that are associated with a particular program. However, financial issues are also very important too and it is necessary to take them in account when making a fair statement about the cost-effectiveness of the program. This point is, however, not addressed in this paper but should be kept in mind in order to have a complete picture of the program.","http://www.econ.uchile.cl/uploads/publicacion/c1299fc46242b45468f12104cee8d8515ba5878d.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Chile",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Bendix, Daniel and Stanley, Ruth",2008,"Security Sector Reform in Africa: The Promise and the Practice of a New Donor Approach",null,null,"Durban","African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD),",null,null,null,"The difference in donor approaches to security sector reform (SSR) and its actual practice in Africa is immense. This paper, published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes, reviews SSR projects in Africa with significant input from external donors. The review reveals considerable variations of approach, while a comparative analysis of SSR in Sierra Leone and Liberia contrasts the differing application of core principles of SSR in these two cases. Generally, donor SSR projects do not substantially differ from the previous piecemeal and uncoordinated approach they have traditionally adopted towards defence, policing and justice reform.Post-colonial Africa inherited states that were organised solely for colonial economic and political interests. While independence brought some attention to individual security, the interests of ruling elites still prevailed. Citizens in many Afican countries view security institutions with fear and distrust. Given the pervasiveness of violent conflict in several African societies, the case for SSR is compelling.The United Kingdom (UK) is currently by far the most active donor in Africa, followed by the United States, Germany, the Nordic countries, Canada, and France. While all donors have established coordinating mechanisms, their commitment to cooperation and coherent approaches varies considerably.Both Sierra Leone and Liberia suffered armed conflict with similar causes; their SSR depends heavily on external donors. The following comparisons and contrasts between the two countries highlight current donor approaches to SSR:Sierra Leone's SSR exhibits comprehensive good practices; a holistic approach is clearly discernible. SSR is coordinated, both among government departments and donor nations.Generally, Liberia's SSR deals only with disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration and military/policy/security institution reform. No single external actor coordinates SSR; it is poorly coordinated and fragmented.Local ownership in Sierra Leone includes group consultations, media coverage and broad citizen participation. In Liberia, there has been virtually no public/local dialogue on the content of security review.Sierra Leonean SSR policy indicates a people-centred understanding of security. Liberia's policy does not directly address people-centred issues.In both Sierra Leone and Liberia, women were involved in initial peacebuilding efforts. Once peace machinery was in place, they and their rights and security needs were sidelined.SSR in both Sierra Leone and Liberia began with commitments to internationally-accepted SSR norms, standards and practices. The significant differences between the countries' SSR in practice cast doubt on the impact of such initial commitments.Instead of the comprehensive approach the conceptual literature posits as a definitive SSR feature, SSR in practice is frequently seen in narrow institutional terms. These include:Defence and police reform are given more attention than other security sector components.Local ownership is frequently reduced to securing local government agreement to donor-driven strategies and programmes.Transparency and accountability are not treated as centrally important.Community and individual security are underdeveloped.Donors need to learn from successful SSR endeavours conceived and executed without foreign assistance. There is still an undoubted Eurocentrism evident in most current SSR practices.","http://www.accord.org.za/images/downloads/op/op_2008_2.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia; Sierra Leone",null,"X","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Bénit-Gbaffou, Claire",2008,"Community Policing and Disputed Norms for Local Social Control in Post-Apartheid Johannesburg",null,"Journal of Southern African Studies",null,"Taylor & Francis, Ltd.",34,1,"93-109","Ryan Carrier (1999), reflecting on policing in South Africa, has pointed out that there may be different types of order that are not necessarily mutually exclusive: he argues that the type of order that the state seeks to guarantee may be different from the type of order that businesses, affluent suburbs, townships and corporations wish to establish or preserve. He concludes by saying that different types of order may call for different types of policing. Whilst this idea seems interesting regarding the way communities can gain control over their direct environment, it is also quite challenging when thinking of equality in the access to security - especially in South Africa, where the idea of 'separate but equal' development has sinister overtones. In the current worldwide context of security governance and of development of community policing principles, the line between what communities are entitled to do and what they should leave to the police is very blurred, particularly so when norms regarding social order vary in space and time. Security norms to be implemented at the neighbourhood level have to be negotiated between communities and public authorities, and within communities themselves. This article, based on field study in suburbs and townships in post-apartheid Johannesburg, argues that there are different 'cultures' of policing and different conceptions of local social order embedded in different local histories and contrasting socio-economic settings. The South African state is currently attempting to homogenise security practices and to 'educate' people in a democratic policing culture. At the same time it is also firmly setting some limits (for instance by rejecting road closures and vigilantism) to the local security experiments developed in the period following the demise of apartheid. However, its current policy, supposedly designed to 'unify' the policing systems under common principles, is based on the broad encouragement of community participation in the production of security, as well as on the promotion of zero-tolerance principles. These policies actually serve to exacerbate local differentiation regarding the content and practice of policing as well as the undemocratic principles rhetorically resisted by the state.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070701832908",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bennet, J., et al.",2010,"Aiding the Peace - A Multi-donor Evaluation of Support to Confict Prevention and Peacebuilding Activities in Southern Sudan 2005 - 2010",null,null,"London","ITAD",null,null,null,"This report of the evaluation of donor support to conflict prevention and peacebuilding activities in Southern Sudan comes at a critical juncture in the history of Sudan. The 2011 referendum on the future of the region is the promise given to the citizens of Southern Sudan as part of the historic peace agreement of 2005. The report was prepared during the lead up to the referendum.","http://www.oecd.org/countries/southsudan/46895095.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Berenschot, Ward and Rinaldi, Taufik",2011,"Paralegalism and Legal Aid in Indonesia: Enlarging the Shadow of the Law",null,null,"Jakarta","Open Society Institute/United Nations Development Programme",null,null,null,"This report discusses the functioning of community-based paralegals in Indonesia, focusing on the paralegals trained under UNDP and World Bank projects. Indonesian legal aid organizations as well as international aid agencies employ paralegals as an instrument to strengthen the capacity of disadvantaged citizens to gain access to formal and informal justice systems. This report uses material and observations from two paralegal programs to discuss and analyze how and under what circumstances paralegals impact the way local disputes and grievances are addressed.","http://namati.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Paralegalism-and-Legal-Aid-in-Indonesia_Final-Report.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Berg, Julie",2013,"Civilian oversight of police in South Africa: from the ICD to the IPID",null,"Police Practice and Research",null,null,14,2,"144-154","South Africa’s transition to a democracy brought with it a holistic accountability system geared toward aligning the South African Police with democratic principles. This article focuses on one component of this accountability system – the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) and its recent successor, the Independent Police Investigative Directive (IPID). It aims to critically review the mandate and operations of the ICD; reflect on the shift from the ICD to the IPID; and discuss the IPID’s mandate in light of past difficulties. The article concludes with a discussion of the theoretical implications of this shift and current challenges of police oversight.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.767094",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Berg, Louis-Alexandre",2011,"The EU's Experience with Security Sector Governance",null,null,"Washington D.C.","United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"In postconflict countries and emerging democracies, reform of security sector institutions is vital for a successful transition to political stability and economic prosperity. The EU has unique experience in strengthening security sector governance and can serve as a partner for the United States. This report examines the EU’s experience in supporting the transformation of ministries of interior to draw lessons for assistance programs and make recommendations for future cooperation. The report was prepared as part of the research program of the Initiative on Security Sector Governance of the United States Institute of Peace and discussed at a public forum, “The Role of the EU in SSR,” held at the Institute on December 16, 2010.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR265-EU%27s_Experience_with_SSG.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"X",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Berg, Louis-Alexandre",2013,"All Judicial Politics Are Local: The Political Trajectory of Judicial Reform in Haiti",null,"U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev.",null,null,45,null,null,"This article analyzes judicial reform efforts in Haiti in light of the country’s political trajectory. The analysis that follows is neither a comprehensive description nor an exhaustive analysis of Haiti’s justice sector, but is rather an attempt to highlight key elements of the political context that are typically neglected in analyses of the justice system.","http://inter-american-law-review.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/All-Judicial-Politics-Are-Local.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Berg, Louis-Alexandre",2014,"From Weakness to Strength: The Political Roots of Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,21,2,"149-164","The mixed results of efforts to reform the governance of security forces in the aftermath of conflict require deeper examination of the political constraints that shape statebuilding processes. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, attempts to restructure and centralize the security forces led to a substantial though incomplete reform of the military, but limited impact on the police forces. These uneven results are rooted in the nature of political coalitions that constrain recipient leaders and shape their interaction with external actors. While Bosnian leaders mostly relied on a cohesive political base that favoured close links between political parties and the police forces, fragmentation within these parties generated internal threats that enabled reforms to the military. This case demonstrates the limits of external influence without changes to underlying political conditions.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2014.910397",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Berk-Seligson, Susan, et al.",2014,"Impact Evaluation of USAID's Community-Based Crime and Violence Prevention Approach in Central America: Regional Report for El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Panama",null,null,"Washington D.C.","USAID",null,null,null,"The countries of Central America, especially 'the Northern Triangle' of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras ”are among the most criminally violent nations in the world. As part of the U.S. Government's (USG) Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has designed and implemented a set of programs to improve citizen security in Central America by strengthening community capacity to combat crime and by creating educational and employment opportunities for at-risk youth.1 USAID's crime prevention work has been implemented through its field Missions in five countries: El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. USAID/Washington, via its Cooperative Agreement with the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) at Vanderbilt University,2 asked LAPOP to design and carry out an impact evaluation of the crime prevention interventions under CARSI in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras3 , and Panama. This evaluation is part of a broader effort to determine the effectiveness of community-based crime prevention, in contrast to the traditionally more common law enforcement, or mano dura ('iron fist'), approach to addressing the widespread crime and violence permeating Central America. The crime prevention approach attempts to address the root causes of crime, rather than deal with crime after it has become endemic. This multi-method, multi-country, multi-year evaluation was designed to contribute to an understanding of the effectiveness of USAID's community-based crime and violence prevention approach.","http://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1862/USAID-LAPOP%20Crime%20Prevention%20Impact%20Evaluation%20-%20Regional%20Report%20-%20Final%20-%202014-10-29.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"El Salvador; Guatemala; Honduras; Panama",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bieber, Florian",2010,"Policing the peace after Yugoslavia: police reform between external imposition and domestic reform",null,"GRIPS Policy Research Center, Discussion Paper","Tokyo","GRIPS Policy Research Centre",null,null,null,"Since the mid-1990s, a plethora of international organizations—from the UN and OSCE to the European Union and NATO—have been extensively involved in the reform of police forces across the post-conflict regions of former Yugoslavia. The various international actors have employed a diverse tool kit of police reform, from creating new police forces from scratch to reforming existing, ethnically divided forces. This paper will trace the different efforts in post-conflict settings by discussing policing by international actors, efforts at imposing police reform, post-conflict police assistance and change to policing through conditionality, drawing on the rich empirical record from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia. Despite these extensive efforts, the results have been modest. Lacking clear international or European standards, police reform has been the subject to uneven and changing expectations and contradictory demands.","http://www3.grips.ac.jp/~pinc/data/10-07.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina; Serbia; Kosovo; Macedonia",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Bjork, Christine and Goebertus, Juanita",2011,"Complementarity in Action: The Role of Civil Society and the ICC in Rule of Law Strengthening in Kenya",null,"Yale Hum. Rts. & Dev. LJ",null,null,14,1,205,"This Note examines the nexus between international and domestic criminal justice systems. It discusses whether the International Criminal Court (1CC) can advance positive complementarity through its so-called preliminary examinations. Using Kenya as a case study, we analyze the advocacy strategies of Kenyan NGOs during the preliminary examination that took place between February 2008 and March 2010. We found that Kenyan NGOs did not use the ICC preliminary examination to \"trigger\" criminal justice reform or domestic accountability for crimes perpetrated during the post-election violence. Instead, these NGOs successfully focused on advocating for the ICC preliminary examination to turn into a formal investigation. Kenya's experience with the ICC preliminary examination leads us to conclude that positive complementarity poses a paradox for NGOs: if they insist on capacity-building of the domestic justice system, they fail at demonstrating that the State is \"unwilling or unable\" to prosecute crimes domestically. This Note explores that paradox.","http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1102&context=yhrdlj",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Blanco, Luisa R",2012,"The impact of reform on the criminal justice system in Mexico",null,null,"Santa Monica","RAND",null,null,null,"This paper studies the impact of judicial reform in Mexico. It does so using a survey about crime victimization and perceptions of insecurity (Encuesta Nacional Sobre la Inseguridad, ENSI) from 2005, 2008, and 2009 in eleven Mexican cities, three of which implemented the reform in 2007 and 2008. It shows judicial reform reduces victimization but also lowers perceptions of security. These results are robust when considering other subsamples that include only northern cities. In the northern cities, judicial reform is associated with lower trust and lower grades given to the local and preventive federal police. Judicial reform is associated with better grades for the agents of the Public Prosecution Office, although not in Juarez. Judicial reform is also associated with a decrease in bribery of the transit police in northern cities. Using crime level data, we find a significant increase in crime reporting following judicial reform in Chihuahua but a decrease in Juarez. When considering the full sample, we also find that judicial reform is associated with an increase in the probability that the Public Prosecution Office will investigate reported crimes. Nonetheless, this result holds when only Juarez is considered as the treatment city for the different subsamples evaluated.","http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/working_papers/2012/RAND_WR948.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Blitz, Brad K",2008,"Post-socialist transformation, penal reform and justice sector transition in Albania",null,"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies",null,null,8,4,"345-364","The place of prisons is largely ignored in the literature on political transitions. Yet, given the historic role that prisons served in the former Communist bloc, as instruments of repression, the management of the penal system is an important indicator of democratic change. This article considers the development of the penal system in Albania from 1990 to the present day. It examines the state of pre-trial detention facilities, prisons and prison hospitals, and evaluates efforts by the Albanian government to reform the penal system. The empirical basis of this article is informed by 20 interviews conducted in autumn 2006 with Albanian government officials, members of the prison administration, human rights monitors, international organizations, NGOs, penal experts, and donor governments. It also evaluates attempts by the European Union and Council of Europe to promote penal reform in Albania. The main finding is that in spite of its considerable investment in Albania, the European Union and associated partners have not managed to curb occurrences of torture and have had a limited impact over substantive penal reform. This article examines four explanations for the EU’s relative failure in this policy area. The principal reasons for Albania’s non-convergence with European norms lie with the weakness of Albanian state structures and the persistence of systemic illiberal practices.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850802556376",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Albania",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Bøås, Morten and Stig, Karianne",2010,"Security sector reform in Liberia: an uneven partnership without local ownership",null,"Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding",null,null,4,3,"285-303","The security situation in Liberia is currently quite good, and at a glance the peacebuilding process seems to be moving ahead. However, the root causes of the conflict have not been adequately addressed, but have in fact become more interlinked in the aftermath of the civil war. Instead of addressing local perceptions of insecurity the international community made plans for Liberia without considering the context in which reforms were to be implemented. The peace in post-conflict Liberia is therefore still fragile and the international presence is regarded as what secures the peace. Still, the UN is supposed to start its full withdrawal in 2010*/indicating that the international community will leave the country without addressing the root causes of conflict.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2010.498934",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bobek, Michal and Kosar, David",2013,"Global Solutions, Local Damages: A Critical Study in Judicial Councils in Central and Eastern Europe",null,"German Law Journal",null,null,15,7,"1257-1292","The question of how to achieve judicial independence, particularly in CEE countries and other countries in transition, tends to be frequently reduced to just one aspect: The institutional reform. Furthermore, the institutional reform itself is typically limited to promoting one particular model of court administration: The Judicial Council model. The model has been suggested to be the universal and “right” solution that will eradicate the vices of previous models, particularly the administration of courts by a Ministry of Justice. The new Judicial Council model ought to enhance judicial independence, insulate the judiciary from political tumult, and improve the overall performance of judges.","https://www.germanlawjournal.com/pdfs/Vol15-No7/PDF_Vol_15_No_07.02_Bobek.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Bonner, Michelle D.",2009,"State Discourses, Police Violence and Democratisation in Argentina",null,"Bulletin of Latin American Research",null,null,28,2,"227-245","Police violence is a persistent problem throughout Latin America despite the return of electoral democracy; it is pervasive and includes torture, murder and disappearances. Certainly institutional reforms aimed at changing police practice are important. However, it is equally important that state actors maintain a clear and relatively consistent discourse in favour of democratic policing. This article argues that, in the case of Argentina, state actors do not maintain a consistent position in favour of democratic policing and instead oscillate between denying the occurrence of police violence, justifying such police action and absolving themselves of responsibility.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2008.00270.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Argentina","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Boonstra, Jos, et al.",2013,"Security Sector Reform in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan: What Role for Europe?",null,"EUCAM Working Paper 14","Madrid","FRIDE",null,null,null,"The security sectors of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are to different extents corrupt, lack democratic control and can even be a threat to the population. They differ in terms of both size and quality, as well as with respect to their willingness to reform. Security Sector Reform (SSR) based on democratic principles is urgently needed but not always welcome. The Western concept of SSR is not very well-known in Central Asia. States are mainly interested in military training and equipment, and less so in long-term measures to democratise and strengthen their security agencies and institutions. European actors hesitantly support Security Sector Reform in Central Asia. Is Europe on track? Should it do more, or less?","http://fride.org/download/EUCAM_WP14_SSR_Kazakhstan_Kyrgyzstan_Tajikistan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kazakhstab; Kyrgyzstan; Tajikistan",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Bordat, Stephanie Willman, et al.",2011,"Women as Agents of Grassroots Change: Illustrating Micro-Empowerment in Morocco",null,"Journal of Middle East Women's Studies",null,null,7,1,"90-119","Numerous recent initiatives in Morocco aim to promote women’s empowerment in the country’s current climate of legal reform, national and international development, and rising Islamism. The authors employ a holistic definition of empowerment that integrates both individual and collective processes that develop women’s capacities to increase their ability to make choices and have control over their lives, take action, and mobilize to impact the world around them. In so doing, the authors demonstrate how both popular human and legal rights education programs and economic development initiatives are needed to attain such empowerment. This article describes several women-run grassroots-level non-governmental programs that address women’s legal and economic development. It illustrates the ways in which these programs can operate as tools to empower women individually and collectively to act as agents for change and suggests contrasts between these initiatives and those used by ideology-based groups. The article also proposes future inquiry into the ways in which initiatives that claim to empower women may be assessed at the micro-level of the project strategy’s impact on the participants themselves.","http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jmw/summary/v007/7.1.bordat.html",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Morocco",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Boshoff, Henri, et al.",2010,"Supporting SSR in the DRC: between a Rock and a Hard Place",null,null,"The Hague","Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael",null,null,null,"Security Sector Reform (SSR) is rapidly becoming the central pillar of the international agenda for stabilisation and reconstruction in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Since the Transition period there has been a proliferation of donor-supported initiatives in the justice, police and defence sectors. The consensus however today is that progress as regards reform has been limited. This paper seeks to explain why by analysing the approach taken by international partners and situating this within the Congolese political context. It sheds light upon several structural impediments to SSR in the DRC which have not been adequately taken into account in external assistance programmes and identifies key challenges which international partners should strive to address.","http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/20100400_cru_paper_smore.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Brems, Eva and Adekoya, Charles Olufemi",2010,"Human rights enforcement by people living in poverty: access to justice in Nigeria",null,"Journal of African Law",null,null,54,2,"258-282","This article analyses the challenges facing those living in poverty in Nigeria in accessing justice for the enforcement of their rights, despite those rights being constitutionally protected and despite the existence of a specific procedure for their enforcement. People living in poverty are generally most likely to see their human rights violated, and least likely to enforce their rights. The article posits that the judiciary in developing countries has a crucial role to play in fighting human rights violations specifically affecting people living in poverty, and notes the great challenge for the Nigerian legislator and judiciary towards making justice accessible in practical terms to the needy in Nigeria. The example of public interest litigation in India can serve as a source of inspiration in this respect.","https://biblio.ugent.be/input/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=724172&fileOId=6821386",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Bryden, Matt and Brickhill, Jeremy",2010,"Disarming Somalia: lessons in stabilisation from a collapsed state",null,"Conflict, Security & Development",null,"Routledge",10,2,"239-262","International efforts to resolve the Somali crisis have foundered on one central paradox: the restoration of state institutions is both an apparent solution to the conflict and its most important underlying cause. Somalis tend to approach disarmament and demobilisation,two central pillars of the state-building process with the fundamental question: who is disarming whom? If the answer threatens to entrench unbalanced and unstable power relations, then it may also exacerbate and prolong the conflict. In this paper, the authors examine disarmament and demobilisation initiatives from southern Somalia, Puntland and Somaliland. In southern Somalia, externally-driven disarmament and demobilisation initiatives in support of successive interim governments have been widely viewed with suspicion and alarm. In Somaliland and Puntland, Somali-led, locally owned efforts have achieved a degree of success that can be instructive elsewhere. The authors conclude that conventional international approaches to state-buildin? in Somalia must be reassesse ?notably that security sector issues must be treated not as a purely technica? issue, but as an integral part of the political process.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678801003665992",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Somalia",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Bulan, Ramy",2014,"Dispute Resolution: Restorative Justice Under Native Customary Justice in Malaysia",null,"Indigenous Peoples' Access To Justice, Including Truth And Reconciliation Processes","New York","Institute for the Study of Human Rights, Colombia University",null,null,"319-343","Dispute resolution is an important aspect of Indigenous Peoples’ legal traditions. Underpinning these traditions is the need to settle conflicts and controversies to ensure social cohesion and harmonious existence. These legal traditions are products of practice and deliberations over long periods of time. Through repetitious patterns of social interactions, they are accepted as binding by those who participate in them. In many Indigenous communities, customary laws constitute a very important source of Indigenous legal traditions2 through which justice is meted. This paper looks at the character and administration of dispute resolution mechanism under the native customary justice system as a “court of first resort”3 for native peoples in Malaysia.4 “Native” is a legal term used to refer to Indigenous Peoples in the Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. While some references will be made to Sabah, the paper will focus on two native communities, the Iban and Kelabit, in Sarawak to illustrate how linking the customary dispute resolution mechanism with the courts established by the State, could assist in the overall function and implementation of customary justice. It highlights the importance of restorative justice within the native customary justice system and how the sanctions and remedies granted thereunder are shaped by the Indigenous communities’ worldview,5 as they relate to their economic, physical and spiritual environment. In this discussion, the concept of justice refers not only to enforcement of rights, and imposition of judgment or punishment, but also the restoration of what was lost. This includes loss of peaceful co-existence and the need to restore relationships. In this context, restorative justice refers to an approach to justice that emphasizes repairing the harm done to people and relationships rather than mere retribution or punishment. It also takes into account the restoration of the state of balance with the economic, physical, and spiritual environment. The view is taken that the provision of better access to justice in the forums that they normally use is fundamental to the empowerment of Indigenous communities. This may be through formal legal institutions, but more often, the informal socio-cultural order and mechanisms for managing disputes and the administration of justice.","http://dx.doi.org/10.7916/D8KW5DZP",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Malaysia",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Busterud, Ingrid Olstad",2014,"Defense sector reform in the Western Balkans - different approaches and different tools",null,"European Security",null,null,24,2,"335-352","This article analyses two different approaches to defense sector reform (DSR) in the Western Balkans. It explores the role of NATO in the reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), as well as Norway’s involvement in Montenegro. Based on this, the article then compares and contrasts the two processes, and looks at the factors that have influenced their success or failure. The analysis show that both BiH and Montenegro have taken significant steps towards Euro-Atlantic integration, and that NATO and Norway have succeeded in part of their work to assist this effort. However, it also suggests that certain key factors for success in SSR have been less than optimal, such as donor coordination and the principle of local ownership. Both actors are also limited by the lack of a conceptual framework or guidelines for their work on DSR.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2014.893428",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina; Montenegro",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Cailleba, Patrice and Kumar, Rekha A",2010,"When customary laws face civil society organisations: Gender issues in Botswana",null,"African Journal of Political Science and International Relations",null,null,4,9,"330-339","In Botswana, society continues to operate under a dual legal system: an indigenously-based customary legal system, and received law, that is, the Constitution, based on a system inherited from the former colonial state. The fact that the constitution places prominence on custom within a range of contexts is particularly significant for women's rights. How far the Government is able to promote basic women's rights and to what extent customary law takes precedence over constitutional law are two legitimate questions yet to be clearly settled. This paper examines how customary law may be contrary to the basic human rights of women, by means of investigating the role of several civil society organisations that act to promote democracy and defend women's human rights. Moreover, the article assesses Botswana's current level of legislative compliance with international obligations, in seeking to identify priorities for working towards greater future compliance.","http://www.academicjournals.org/article/article1381837441_Cailleba%20and%20Kumar.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Botswana",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Carver, Jay",2015,"The Judicial Reform Program in Mongolia: Accomplishments, Lessons Learned, and Recommendations for the Future",null,null,"Washington D.C.","US Agency for International Development",null,null,null,"Part I summarizes in broad strokes the scope of JRP's work with Mongolia's justice sector institutions. Part II summarizes 'Lessons Learned' from the perspective of donors, implementers, and recipients of USAID assistance. The final chapter, Part III, contains recommendations for the justice sector of Mongolia and for future donors. It is based on the experience of the Judicial Reform Program over the past eight years and draws on the recommendations coming out of JRP's March 2009 closing conference 'Next Steps in Justice Reform' which brought together all of the key justice sector leaders and administrators. As its final contribution to its Mongolian partners, this Report seeks to synthesize the consensus outcomes of the conference which in turn were intended to serve as a road map for future reforms and improvements in the administration of justice.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/2326/20224/file/Judicial%20Reform%20Program%20in%20Mongolia.%20Accomplishments,%20Lessons%20Learned%20and%20Recommendations%20for%20the%20Future%20USAID%20%282009%29.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mongolia",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Castillejo, Clare",2009,"Building accountable justice in Sierra Leone",null,null,"Madrid","FRIDE",null,76,null,"It is widely recognised that an important challenge for Sierra Leone as it rebuilds its state institutions is to strengthen the accountability and responsiveness of these institutions to citizens, as unaccountable and unresponsive governance has historically been a driver of conflict within the country. It is in this context that this working paper examines the extent to which the justice system in Sierra Leone is currently accountable to citizens; what the main challenges are for building more accountable justice institutions; and whether government and donor initiatives to strengthen and reform the justice system are improving accountability. It does this by analysing five key elements of accountability: that citizens have access to justice institutions and fair justice outcomes; that justice systems are equally accessible to and serve all citizens; that both citizens and justice officials have adequate information on the mandate, procedures and activities of justice institutions; that there are accessible systems of oversight, complaint and correction to prevent abuses within the justice system; and that citizens participate in decisions about justice reform and the nature of justice institutions. Based on this analysis the paper will suggest policy options for strengthening accountability as part of current justice sector reform initiatives.","http://fride.org/download/WP76_Building_Accountable_Eng_ene09.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Celador, Gemma Collantes",2009,"Becoming 'European' through police reform: a successful strategy in Bosnia and Herzegovina?",null,"Crime, Law and Social Change",null,null,51,2,"231-242","Police reform plays a key role in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s internationally-supervised statebuilding process. It is one of the four key conditions to move the country closer to its European future. Against this background the article analyses the role that the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) plays in preparing Bosnian police agencies for this challenge. Using as guiding tools some of the key elements of the Mission’s leitmotif—local ownership, European police standards—the article comes to the conclusion that EUPM has introduced much needed reforms but these have been overshadowed, among other things, by the police restructuring process and its unnecessary politicisation of “European police standards/practices” to fit a model of statehood not shared by all local stakeholders.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-008-9157-x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Chambers, Victoria",2014,"Securing communities and transforming policing cultures: a desk study of community policing in Jamaica",null,null,"London","ODI",null,null,null,"This case study examines the latest iteration of community policing implemented in Jamaica since 2008/2009 by the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF). It finds that external actors looking to engage in community policing need to be realistic about what community policing can achieve in a context with the levels of institutionalised violence of Jamaica.","http://www.odi.org/publications/8426-securing-communities-transforming-policing-cultures-desk-study-community-policing-jamaica",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Jamaica",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Chambers, Victoria, et al.",2014,"Community policing through bicycle patrolling in Sri Lanka: an incipient post-conflict strategy",null,null,"London","ODI",null,null,null,"This document presents select findings from a case study on the role of bicycle patrolling within the broader context of community policing in Sri Lanka, and how it has developed, its objectives, effects and ongoing challenges","http://www.odi.org/publications/9113-sri-lanka-community-policing",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Sri Lanka",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Chapman, Nick and Vaillant, Charlotte",2010,"Synthesis of country programme evaluations conducted in fragile states (Ev709)",null,null,"London","Department for International Development (UK)",null,null,null,"The current synthesis report brings together findings from nine CPEs, focusing on countries that may be termed 'fragile states'. Building peaceful states and societies is a key strategic objective for DFID's work, as explained in the White Paper, Eliminating World Poverty - Building our Common Future. The countries covered are Afghanistan, Cambodia, Nepal, Pakistan, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan and Yemen. The pool of CPE's reviewed is larger and more diverse than any other syntheses. The timeframe over which they've been evaluated is also longer, collectively covering an eight year period, from 2002 - 2009.","https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/67709/syn-cnty-prog-evals-frag-sts.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Charley, Joseph P Chris and M'Cormack, Freida Ibiduni",2012,"A 'Force for Good'? Police Reform in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone",null,"IDS Bulletin","Brighton","Institute for Development Studies",43,4,"49-62","The Sierra Leone Police Force has its origins in the British colonial administration of the country. After Independence and with the consolidation of one-party rule the force slid into disrepute. The outbreak of civil conflict in 1991 largely decimated the force but the gradual restoration of peace provided an opportunity for police reform. This research report covers the aspects of the political and institutional environment that helped engender change, as well as constraints faced by the reform agenda. It considers how the officers actually carried out the task at hand, and shares lessons as to what reform tactics worked and which were less successful. While several challenges remain, the reform programme, centred around local needs policing has been largely successful, hinging on – among other factors – the appointment of a British Inspector General of Police, perceived to be neutral and above political machinations, supported by a core of reformminded officers; long-term external technical and financial assistance; and a conducive political environment for change.","https://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/rr70.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Chemin, Matthieu",2009,"The impact of the judiciary on entrepreneurship: Evaluation of Pakistan's 'Access to Justice Programme'",null,"Journal of Public Economics",null,null,93,1,"114-125","In 2002, the Pakistani government implemented a judicial reform that cost $350 million or 0.1% of Pakistan's 2002 GDP. This reform did not involve increased incentives for judges to improve efficiency but merely provided them with more training. Nonetheless, the reform had dramatic effects on judicial efficiency and consequently on entrepreneurship: judges disposed of a quarter more cases and entry rate of new firms increased by half due to the reform. Using data from the World Bank Group Entrepreneurship Database, our estimates suggest that this translates into an increase of Pakistan's GDP by 0.5%","http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.05.005",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Pakistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Chopra, Tanja",2008,"Kenya - Building informal justice in northern Kenya",null,null,"Washington D.C.","The World Bank",null,null,"1970-01-01","This report analyzes the conflict resolution mechanisms among pastoralist societies in northern Kenya who have a long history of conflict but were by and large not involved in recent hostilities. It is based on qualitative research data that was collected during field visits between July and November 2007 in three arid lands districts in Northern Kenya - Isiolo, Baringo/East Pokot and Garissa. Research areas were selected to gain insight into conflict and legal dynamics among a variety of ethnic groups and in differing ecological and political environments. Research tools mainly consisted of semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and participant observation. New research tools, such as legal aid days, were piloted during the study. About 80 interviews were conducted with a broad range of individuals, ranging from formal authorities to peace committee members, NGOs, CSOs, informal authorities, women groups, youth groups and others.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2012/08/09/000112742_20120809152959/Rendered/PDF/716910ESW0P1110ce0in0Northern0Kenya.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Chopra, Tanja",2009,"Justice Versus Peace in Northern Kenya",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"The conflicting relationship between peace and justice is frequently debated in the field of transitional justice. The obligation to prosecute serious crimes can contradict the measures necessary to reestablish peace among society. The predicament gives rise to a similar, though less obvious, challenge in many developing countries, where the formal justice system can be at odds with conflict management initiatives. Often, due to their inaccessibility or incompatibility with local socio-cultural norms, official justice institutions in developing countries do not fully penetrate the whole of society. In response, conflict management and peacebuilding initiatives have proven to be more flexible and responsive to socio-political realities. While such initiatives may be more efficient in reestablishing the peace between communities in conflict, they may contradict the official law. Current policy efforts and practices in the arid lands of Kenya illustrate this dilemma. Official justice institutions have proven too weak or ill-suited to prevent or resolve conflicts between local communities. To address the prevailing tensions, local ad hoc peace initiatives have developed, which operate on the basis of local norms and include local stakeholders. Given their relative success, some high level state agents have embraced the initiatives. The Office of the President is currently drafting a national policy framework on conflict management and peacebuilding, which is in part based on the experiences in the arid lands. Such a policy framework will ultimately have to deal with a similar dilemma known from the field of transitional justice: a decision between the establishment of peace and the application of formal justice may be required.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2009/07/28/000334955_20090728041643/Rendered/PDF/495810NWP0Box31f0version0with0cover.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Chopra, Tanja and Isser, Deborah",2011,"Women's access to justice, legal pluralism and fragile states","Albrecht, P.A., Kyed, H.M., Isser, D. and Harper, E.","Perspectives on involving non-state and customary actors in justice and security reform","Rome","International Development Law Organisation/Danish Institute for International Studies",null,null,"23-38",null,"http://subweb.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/paa/IDLO_Book.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Christensen, Maren",2011,"Judicial Reform in Afghanistan: Towards a Holistic Understanding of Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Societies",null,"Berkeley J. Middle E. & Islamic L.",null,null,4,null,111,null,"http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1019&context=jmeil",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Chukwuemeka, Eze Malachy",2010,"Institutional reforms and the development of Nigeria Prisons Service, 1999-2007",null,"Journal of African Studies and Development",null,null,2,5,"114-121","Nigeria as a country experienced over twenty nine years of military rule. Consequently, the Nigeria Prisons were nothing less than a concentration camp where democrats, civil rights activists and some social deviants suffered. The emergence of civilian rule in 1999 with promises both to restore human rights and the rule of law and to reform the justice system of which the prisons are part of, led to the appropriation of billions of naira. This paper provides an overview of the reformation of Nigerian Prisons service and its reforms using documentary and primary sources of information with a view to assessing the extent of its consistency with international standard and its impact on both prison inmates and the institution itself. The paper discovered that the reforms centred on administrative and logistic conveniences with complete disregard for structural changes, inmates conditions and international standards. The reforms failed because of the class character of the prison inmates and the objectives for the establishment of prisons in Nigeria. It is therefore recommended that Nigerian Prisons should pursue a structured pro-inmates’ international standard reforms as a negation to the interest of the ruling class. In this lies the genuine development of Nigerian prisons.","http://admin.ppja.org/countries/nigeria/Nig_ref.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Cierco, Teresa",2013,"Evaluating UNMIT's Contribution to Establishing the Rule of Law in Timor-Leste",null,"Asia-Pacific Review",null,null,20,1,"79-99","Timor-Leste began the democratic transformation process in the beginning of this century with a heavy past legacy of external domination. Since then, it has been experiencing many difficulties in its path towards democracy especially in what concerns one critical issue: the respect for the rule of law. Focusing on two important pillars of the rule of law—justice and security—this paper seeks to understand why has been so difficult to establish the rule of law in Timor-Leste. The article initially provides a generic picture of the rule of law as an important dimension of the United Nations peacekeeping operations. It also aims to outline the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) capacity in strengthening the processes of peacebuilding and reforms in Timor-Leste, as well as on ensuring the credibility and integrity of institutions, such as the courts and the national police, which are serious challengers to the country’s future. It concludes by providing some thoughts that can help to determine whether Timor-Leste is ready to look after its own security after 2013","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2013.788335",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Clark, Samuel and Stephens, Matthew",2011,"Reducing injustice? A grounded approach to strengthening hybrid justice systems: Lessons from Indonesia","Ubink, J.","Customary Justice: Perspectives on Legal Empowerment","Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,"67-90","This article starts from the presumption that, in the contemporary reality of most developing countries, no one system — state or non-state — can deliver justice. Rather than idealize one system over another, a more realistic strategy is to focus on overcoming the specific injustices of both state and non-state systems. The article, therefore, broadly advocates for the creation of hybrid institutions through partial incorporation, an approach that attempts to blend the strengths and mitigate the weaknesses of formal and customary systems. This approach carries the challenge of marrying two systems that draw on different normative traditions, as well as the normative and political challenge of identifying comparative strengths and weaknesses.","http://www.idlo.int/sites/default/files/Customary%20Justice%203%20-%20Perspectives%20on%20Legal%20Empowerment.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Clément, Caty",2009,"Security Sector Reform in the DRC: Forward to the Past",null,"Security Sector Reform in Challenging Environments","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"89-117","This chapter essentially focuses on the interdependence between the political process and army reform in a post-conflict society. In the DRC post-conflict context, SSR was not a technical issue; from the outset, it was immensely politicised. Although essentially focusing on army reform, the DRC case briefly examines the roles of the efforts in police reform and of the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process. In a postconflict setting, DDR is key to offering alternative livelihoods to combatants unwilling or unfit to integrate into the armed forces for reasons ranging from disability or youth to a track record of abusive behaviour.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35748/526713/file/YEARBOOK_2009.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Coburn, Noah",2013,"Informal justice and the international community in Afghanistan",null,null,"Washington D.C.","United States Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"This report analyzes the array of programs that dealt with the so-called informal justice sector in Afghanistan from 2008 to 2011. It focuses on a series of pilot projects sponsored by the United States Institute of Peace that engaged local Afghan organizations at the district and provincial levels to observe and record how informal justice systems resolve (or fail to resolve) people’s disputes, and how informal and formal justice actors relate to each other in practice. It also examines the expanding role of international actors in local dispute resolution and the impact that such interventions have had on local practices and perceptions of justice. The report finds that the informal justice sector provides a pervasive and effective, if sometimes flawed, venue for the majority of the Afghan population to access justice and argues that the international community should commit more fully to supporting local informal justice mechanisms.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW84-Informal%20Justice%20and%20the%20International%20Community%20in%20Afghanistan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Coburn, Noah and Dempsey, John",2010,"Informal Dispute Resolution in Afghanistan",null,null,null,"United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"This report discusses informal justice in Afghanistan and its relationship to state institutions. It draws on a series of pilot projects sponsored and overseen by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and on work by other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), international donors, and the international military in Afghanistan, as well as on field visits by the authors. Over the past several years, the USIP team that oversaw the projects spoke with hundreds of Afghan government officials, community leaders, citizens, members of the NGO community, international government officials, and military personnel about informal justice issues. The report provides a summary of this research and a series of recommendations for the Afghan government and the international community engaged with rule of law in the country.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/sr247.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Colletta, Nat J and Muggah, Robert",2009,"Context matters: interim stabilisation and second generation approaches to security promotion",null,"Conflict, Security & Development",null,null,9,4,"425-453","The scale and ferocity of post-war violence regularly confounds the expectations of security and development specialists. When left unchecked, mutating violence can tip ‘fragile’ societies back into all out warfare. In the context of formal peace support operations, conventional security promotion efforts are routinely advanced to prevent this from happening. These include disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) and wider security system/sector reform (SSR). There are also lesser known but no less important interventions to promote security that deviate from—but also potentially reinforce and enhance—DDR and SSR. Faced with dynamic post-war contexts, erstwhile warring parties, peace mediators and practitioners have crafted a host of innovative and experimental security promotion initiatives designed to mitigate risks and symptoms of post-war violence including interim stabilisation measures and second generation DDR. Drawing on a growing evidence base, the article sets out a host of contextual determinants that shape the character and effectiveness of security promotion on the ground. It then issues a typology of emergent practices—some that occur before, during and after DDR and SSR interventions. Taken together, they offer a fascinating new research agenda for those preoccupied with post-war security promotion.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800903345762",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Corradi, Giselle",2010,"Human rights promotion in post conflict Sierra Leone: coming to grips with plurality in customary justice",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,42,60,"73-103","Based on a case study on Sierra Leone, I analyse different strategies for addressing the tension between traditional justice and human rights. After presenting an overview of key contextual features, I move towards a discussion of the main initiatives that are carried out at national and local level, where I examine the kinds of interventions that are carried out, their objectives and beneficiaries. Finally, I consider these findings in the light of insights developed by socio-legal studies on legal pluralism and human rights in cross-cultural perspective, where I argue that particular attention should be paid to plurality in customary justice.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2010.10756637",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Corradi, Giselle",2011,"Access to justice in Pemba City: How exploring women's lived realities with plural law uncovers programmatic gaps",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,64,"1931-01-01","The paper explores how access to justice interventions interplays with women’s ability to draw on locally available legal resources.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2011.10756668",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mozambique",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Corradi, Giselle",2014,"Can Legal Pluralism Advance Human Rights? How International Development Actors Can Contribute",null,"European Journal of Development Research",null,null,26,5,"783-797","This article discusses how international development actors providing aid to the justice sector in legally plural contexts can support reforms to the normative framework for legal pluralism that contribute to advancing human rights. Based on the case of Mozambique, the article argues that reforms to the normative framework for legal pluralism should be grounded on empirical realities of legal pluralism and their human rights implications. The article suggests that international development actors can contribute to this end at the level of process. This can be done by financing empirical studies on legal pluralism and human rights, and by facilitating informed and participatory dialogue to define policies and legislation.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2013.46",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mozambique",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Coughlan, John, et al.",2012,"Legacy of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal: Maintaining the Status Quo of Cambodia's Legal and Judicial System, The",null,"Amsterdam Law Forum",null,null,4,null,"16-35","The Cambodian judicial system is fraught with deficiencies. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia – established to try the leaders of the Khmer Rouge and those most responsible for the atrocities committed during the regime – has been hailed as a model court from which to bolster domestic legal and judicial reform. While the ECCC has made some steps towards providing a positive legacy - enhancing the capacity of the judiciary, addressing fair trial rights and standards of justice - in the absence of political will to address corruption and political interference, this legacy is superficial at best.","http://amsterdamlawforum.org/article/download/270/450",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Cambodia",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Cox, Marcus",2008,"Security and justice: Measuring the development returns",null,null,"London","Agulhas Development Consultants",null,null,null,"This paper reviews the state of knowledge on the role of security and justice (S&J) in the development process. The purpose is to enable DFID and its partners to gain a better understanding of the returns available from investments in this area, in terms of economic growth, poverty reduction and achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As well as presenting the evidence available from the literature, we are asked to assess the state of knowledge, describing the methodological challenges and how they are being addressed, and proposing areas for further research.","http://www.agulhas.co.uk/cms_files/14/Agulhas_S&J_Development_Returns_Aug_08.pdf",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Cox, Marcus and Serei Sopheak, Ok",2012,"Cambodia Case Study: Evaluation of Australian Law and Justice Assistance",null,null,"Canberra","AusAID",null,null,null,"This case study of Cambodia forms part of a thematic evaluation by the Office of Development Effectiveness of Australian law and justice assistance. The objective of the evaluation is to assess the relevance and effectiveness of current Australian Government strategies and approaches to this important area of the Australian aid program, and to identify lessons to inform future programming choices. The evaluation also aims to promote improved coherence among the various Australian Government agencies involved in providing law and justice assistance (including AusAID, the Australian Federal Police, the Attorney General's Department and others) by contributing to a shared understanding of the role that law and justice assistance plays within the Australian aid program.","http://www.dfat.gov.au/aid/how-we-measure-performance/ode/Documents/lawjustice-cambodia-case-study.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Cambodia",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Cox, Marcus, et al.",2012,"Building on Local Strengths: Evaluation of Australian Law and Justice Assistance",null,null,"Canberra","AusAID",null,null,null,"AusAID's Office of Development Effectiveness (ODE) commissioned this thematic evaluation of Australian law and justice assistance in order to assess its relevance and effectiveness and to generate lessons to guide future programming choices. The evaluation involved mapping the main drivers, trends and patterns in Australian law and justice assistance, and three detailed country case studies (Cambodia, Indonesia and Solomon Islands). It has been designed and implemented in a consultative fashion with the various Australian Government agencies involved in law and justice assistance, and the findings were debated at a whole-of-government workshop in September 2011. This synthesis report draws together the most important findings from the case studies and addresses the evaluation questions.","http://www.dfat.gov.au/aid/how-we-measure-performance/ode/Documents/lawjustice-building-on-local-strengths.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","Cambodia; Indonesia; Solomon Islands",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Cox, Marcus, et al.",2012,"Soloman Islands Case Study: Evaluation of Law and Justice Assistance",null,null,"Canberra","AusAID",null,null,null,"This case study of Australia's contribution to and support for law and justice in Solomon Islands has been undertaken as part of a thematic evaluation by the Office of Development Effectiveness (ODE) of law and justice assistance within the Australian aid program. The objective of the evaluation is to assess the relevance and effectiveness of current Australian Government strategies and approaches to law and justice assistance and to identify lessons to inform future programming choices.","http://www.dfat.gov.au/aid/how-we-measure-performance/ode/Documents/lawjustice-solomon-islands-case-study.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Solomon Islands",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Cox, Marcus, et al.",2012,"Indonesia Case Study: Evaluation of Law and Justice Assistance",null,null,"Canberra","AusAID",null,null,null,"This Indonesia case study forms part of a thematic evaluation by the Office of Development Effectiveness of Australian law and justice assistance. The objective of the evaluation is to assess the relevance and effectiveness of current Australian Government strategies and approaches to this important area of the Australian aid program, and to identify lessons to inform future programming choices. The evaluation also aims to promote improved cohe rence among the various Australian Government agencies involved in providing law and justice assistance (including AusAID, the Australian Federal Police, the Attorney-General's Department and others) by contributing to a shared understanding of the role that law and justice assistance plays within the Australian aid program.","http://www.dfat.gov.au/aid/how-we-measure-performance/ode/Documents/lawjustice-indonesia-case-study.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Crook, Richard",2011,"The state and accessible justice in Africa: is Ghana unique?",null,"Africa Power and Politics Policy Brief 3","London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"The key lessons from the Ghana experience are that: ● Both formal justice and ADR need to be provided by institutions that can guarantee fair and impartial mediation at low cost with enforceable settlements ● The state can provide such forms of justice when it combines the authority and professionalism of a national institution with the informality of procedures as delivered by local officials ● Neo-traditional dispute resolution is not necessarily the most legitimate or popular solution.","http://www.institutions-africa.org/filestream/20111115-appp-policy-brief-3-the-state-and-accessible-justice-in-africa-is-ghana-unique-richard-crook-nov-2011",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ghana",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Crook, Richard, et al.",2010,"Popular Concepts of Justice and Fairness in Ghana: Testing the Legitimacy of New or Hybrid Forms of State Justice",null,"Africa Power and Politics Working Paper","London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"The provision of effective, legitimate and accessible justice is one of the most fundamental public goods expected from a well-governed state. In this paper we compare the legitimacy of three state or state-supported Ghanaian dispute settlement institutions: the Magistrate’s Courts, the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) and the land dispute committees of the neo-traditional Customary Land Secretariats (CLSs). It was found that popular beliefs and expectations are predominantly focused on the notion that justice requires a ‘balanced process for establishing the truth’, and that the procedures, codes and remedies used by the Magistrate’s Courts and the CHRAJ were more congruent with these beliefs than those of the CLSs. The findings challenge stereotypes of popular and traditional justice as being primarily about reconciliation or restoration of communal harmony, and suggest that state institutions should be supported in their current development of hybrid and informal kinds of dispute settlement.","http://www.institutions-africa.org/filestream/20101026-appp-working-paper-14-crook-et-al-popular-concepts-of-justice-fairness-in-ghana-oct-2010",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ghana",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Crozier, Rebecca and Candan, Zuleika",2010,"PARTICIPATION AND OBSTRUCTION: Justice and Security Sector Reform in Nepal",null,null,null,"Initiative for Peacebuilding",null,null,null,"This report aims to outline priorities for international community support for the effective and accountable provision of security and justice in Nepal. In doing so, it aims to highlight the need for utilising a participatory approach in the promotion of people-centred reform of the security and justice system in Nepal. The report is a follow-up to ‘Security for Whom? Security Sector Reform and Public Security in Nepal’, a report published by Alert in February 2009.","http://international-alert.org/sites/default/files/IFP_Security_JusticeSSRNepal_EN_2010.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Nepal",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Cruz, José Miguel",2011,"Criminal violence and democratization in central America: the survival of the violent state",null,"Latin American Politics and Society",null,null,53,4,"1933-01-01","Why does Nicaragua have less violent crime than Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras? All these countries underwent political transitions in the 1990s. Many explanations point to the legacies of war, socioeconomic underdevelopment, and neoliberal structural reforms. However, these arguments do not fully explain why, despite economic reforms conducted throughout the region, warless Honduras and wealthier Guatemala and El Salvador have much more crime than Nicaragua. This article argues that public security reforms carried out during the political transitions shaped the ability of the new regimes to control the violence produced by their own institutions and collaborators. In the analysis of the crisis of public security, it is important to bring the state back. The survival of violent entrepreneurs in the new security apparatus and their relationship with new governing elites foster the conditions for the escalation of violence in northern Central America.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00132.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"El Salvador; Guatemala; Hondurus; Nicaragua",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Dahrendorf, Nicola",2008,"MONUC and the Relevance of Coherent Mandates: The Case of the DRC","Hänggi, Heiner and Scherrer, Vincenza","Security Sector Reform and UN Integrated Missions: Experience from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, and Kosovo","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"67-112",null,"http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36898/529013/file/chapter_dahrendorf_DRC.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Dale, Pamela",2009,"Delivering Justice to Sierra Leone's Poor: An Analysis of the Work of Timap for Justice",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"This report presents an analysis of the theory, methods, and, to a much lesser extent, impact of Timap for Justice (Timap). Timap is a not-for-profit organization offering free justice services in sites across Sierra Leone. Through 13 offices in the country's northern and southern provinces and a headquarters office in Freetown, Timap's trained paralegals and two lawyer-directors use a combination of mediation, negotiation, education, advocacy, and occasionally litigation to attempt to resolve disputes, promote community activism and agency, and develop equitable and responsive institutions.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2009/12/04/000112742_20091204184834/Rendered/PDF/518850REPLACEM1arch0Report0Nov02009.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Dash, Kamala Kanta",2008,"Counter-terrorism and Police Community Engagement in India",null,"17th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) in Melbourne 1-3 July 2008","Melbourne","Asian Studies Association of Australia",null,null,null,"This paper consists of two sections. The first section provides a brief literature review of the new approaches and latest thinking on counter terrorism in Australia and Britain, and the second section deals with three reports by the 2nd Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) of the Government of India. These three documents are carefully analysed to see whether Indian authorities appreciate the new approaches to counterterrorism or whether they are still locked into old ideas of policing. The first document is the latest 2008 government report on counter terrorism; the second deals with the subject of public order; and the third deals with capacity building for conflict resolution. All three of them have made a number of recommendations on policing which I examine below.","http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/mai/files/2012/07/kdash.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Davis, Laura",2009,"Justice-sensitive security system reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"London","Initiative for Peacebuilding",null,null,null,"This paper argues that strengthening the accountability and integrity of the security system, including vetting and removing human rights abusers from the army and police in particular, is a necessary and urgent part of security system reform (SSR), also often known as security sector reform, in the DRC which has yet to be addressed and without which violence among rebel factions, militias and government security forces will continue.","https://www.ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-DRC-Justice-Security-2009-English.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x"]
["Davis, William E, et al.",2009,"Implementing ADR Programs in Developing Justice Sectors: Case Studies and Lessons Learned",null,"Dispute Resoution Magazine",null,"American Bar Association",16,null,"16-19","DPK has provided support to ADR programs in the private sector such as the Chambers of Commerce in Chile and Ecuador; the public sector through support to courts, prosecution, and defense in Argentina, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Morocco, Jordan, and E Salvador and community-based organiza tions in Ecuador, Guatemala, El Salvador, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. Our experience in El Salvador is particularly illustrative of how community-based ADR programs can improve access to justice. In this article, we present case studies from two of the communitybased dispute resolution projects.","http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/disput16&div=43&g_sent=1&collection=journals",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"El Salvador",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["De Langen, Maaike S and Barendrecht, Maurits",2009,"Legal Empowerment of the poor: Innovating access to justice","Rizvi, Gowher and de Jong, Jorrit","The state of access: Success and failure of democracies to create equal opportunities","Washington D.C.","Brookings Institution",null,null,"250-271",null,"http://equalbeforethelaw.org/sites/default/files/library/2008%20Legal%20Empowerment%20of%20the%20Poor%20Innovating%20Access%20to%20Justice.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["De Lauri, Antonio",2013,"Corruption, Legal Modernisation and Judicial Practice in Afghanistan",null,"Asian Studies Review",null,null,37,4,"527-545","Afghanistan’s justice system is currently at a crucial and troubled stage of development that will determine its effectiveness. This article focuses on the phenomenon of corruption inside judicial institutions. By integrating the analysis of narratives of corruption with the observation of judicial practice and a critical approach to the reconstruction process, I argue that in Afghanistan, the phenomenon of corruption can be understood in terms of its “double institutionalisation”, whereby mechanisms of exchange and of compensation, both already affirmed at the level of social practice, find a possibility of reaffirmation (of re-institutionalisation) in the legal system itself. The creation of an economic system that depends on international aid, the consolidation of a state apparatus over-determined by warlordism and foreign influences, and the process of legal modernisation itself all play an important role in the re-institutionalisation and radicalisation of corruption. By taking into consideration this scenario, I adopt an ethnographic perspective to explore some of the effects of corruption on the work of judges and on the access to justice itself.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2013.832112",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Deljkić, Irma and Lučić-ĆatIć, Marija",2011,"Implementing community policing in Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"Police Practice and Research: An International Journal",null,null,12,2,"172-184","This paper describes a concept of community policing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and analyses domestic and international efforts to implement community policing in this country. Furthermore, the paper is based on the interview results of 90 police officers of Canton Sarajevo, where findings indicate that officers are very much confused about the meaning of community policing. However, with the aim of refocusing the work of law enforcement agencies from traditional policing to community-based policing, several practice-oriented projects have been carried out by local and international actors and a Community Policing Strategy has been adopted as well.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2010.512141",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["den Heyer, Garth",2010,"Measuring capacity development and reform in the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force",null,"Policing & Society",null,null,20,3,"298-315","International police have been deployed on a number of peacekeeping missions, but providing capacity development and assisting in reform of local police in wartorn nations are only a relatively recent undertaking. The process of police reform is complicated because of the inherent difficulty in evaluating the impact of a development programme on police service delivery performance. This study reports on the results of a pilot survey of international police managers assessment of the level of competency of the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force following the introduction of a capacity development programme 3 years earlier. The results indicate that although the local police had improved operationally, and in some cases to an international standard, the Force had lower capability in strategic administration.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439461003768037",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Solomon Islands",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Den Heyer, Garth",2010,"Evaluating Police Reform in Post-Conflict Nations: A Solomon Islands Case Study",null,"International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice",null,null,34,1,"213-234","The process of post-conflict police reform has been the subject of serious scholarly attention, principally driven by the sense that police institutional rebuilding cannot be achieved quickly and that the police are only one part of the wider justice sector. However, police reform is a complicated process, and the cultural, institutional, and political challenges to effective development are immense. The process of reform is further complicated through the inherent difficulty in evaluating the impact of a development programme on police performance. This study uses an outcomes- or evidence-based police measurement system called ‘Police Reform Indicators and Measurement Evaluation’ (PRIME) to assess the performance of the police capacity-building programme and other improvement projects that have commenced since the deployment of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) in July 2003. The application of the process to the Royal Solomon Islands Police (RSIP) identified that, although there are a number of areas that are still to be strengthened or rebuilt, the Participating Police Force (PPF) has been able to implement capacity development programmes that have resulted in the advancement of the RSIP towards a professional police service. The application of PRIME to the RSIP and the intervening police mission demonstrates that it could be used as a tool to evaluate police reform efforts in similar post-conflict nations such as Iraq and Afghanistan.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2010.9678824",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Solomon Islands",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x"]
["Denney, Lisa",2011,"A political economy analysis of policing for women in Sierra Leone",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"Based on fieldwork in Sierra Leone between February and April 2009, this chapter argues that the Family Support Units need to address the obstacles to access and engage with the informal policing providers to comprehensively improve the policing provided to women.","http://www.dai.com/sites/default/files/pubs/alternatives/development_alternatives_summer_2011.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Denney, Lisa",2011,"Reducing poverty with teargas and batons: The security-development nexus in Sierra Leone",null,"African Affairs",null,null,110,439,"275-294","This article examines the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development’s understanding of the correlations between security and development at the policy level, and contrasts this with onthe-ground experiences in Sierra Leone. Drawing on fieldwork from Sierra Leone, the article shows how DFID policy appears to have taken the correlation between security and development for granted. As the lead international actor implementing Sierra Leone’s security sector reform programme, DFID relies upon the validity of the security–development nexus to justify time, money, and expertise spent on issues of security. The relationship between these phenomena is presented as commonsensical and uncontested, but the specific nature of the relationship has been glossed over, with little real empirical evidence to demonstrate nexus claims. In Sierra Leone newfound security has so far failed to produce the anticipated development, suggesting that the causal link between security and development may not be as straightforward as implied. The article concludes that more precise investigations of the manner in which security and development interact in practice are needed.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adr004",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Denney, Lisa",2013,"Liberal chiefs or illiberal development? The challenge of engaging chiefs in DFID's Security Sector Reform Programme in Sierra Leone",null,"Development Policy Review",null,null,31,1,"2025-05-01","It is increasingly recognised that informal actors, including chiefs, are dominant providers of services and need to be factored into overwhelmingly state-focused programmes. This article looks at the ability of the UK’s Department for International Development to engage with the chieftaincy system in Sierra Leone through its security sector reform programme − a relationship which poses important political challenges.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.2013.00599.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Denney, Lisa",2014,"Overcoming the State/Non-state Divide: An End User Approach to Security and Justice Reform",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,21,2,"251-268","Despite the widely accepted recognition that fragile and conflict-affected countries are characterized by plural security and justice orders, donor-led security and justice programmes continue to engage overwhelmingly with state actors on the basis of liberal peacebuilding models that internalize Weberian understandings of the state. In addition, policies pushing reformers towards engagement with 'informal', 'non-state', or customary systems often do so in a way that suggests a neat separation between the 'state' and 'non-state';. This does not reflect how security and justice operate in practice. This paper uses the case of Sierra Leone to demonstrate the panoply of actors that constitute the plural security and justice context there, and how these actors interact in practice. This reveals the highly interactive nature of the multiple security and justice chains commonly used in Sierra Leone. It is argued that in order to meaningfully engage with the multitudinous ways in which people access security and justice, external reformers need to develop a comprehensive understanding of this complexity. Such an understanding will assist reformers in transcending the increasingly unhelpful state/non-state distinction and in engaging with security and justice from the perspective of the end users, rather than from the perspective of externally derived models.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2014.910398",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Denney, Lisa",2015,"Securing communities: redefining community policing to achieve results",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"This synthesis paper draws together findings from ODI's \"Securing communities\" project, which attempted to map the diversity of practices that fall under the remit of community policing, examine how community policing is shaped in different contexts and probe the plausibility of many of the objectives ascribed to the approach.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/9582.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"Ethiopia; Jamaica; Timor Leste; Sri Lanka",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x"]
["Denny, Lisa and Kassaye, Demelash",2013,"Securing communities for development: community policing in Ethiopia's Amhara National Regional State",null,null,"London","ODI",null,null,null,"With growing interest in community policing internationally as a way of involving communities in their security provision, Ethiopia's Amhara National Regional State offers a unique perspective. This case study, part of ODI's Securing Communities project, examines how community policing in Ethiopia servies multiple purposes - from sharing the state's burden of policing with customary actors, to reducing crime, involving communities in security provision and contributing to national development.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8656.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ehiopia",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Dennys, Christian and Hamilton-Baillie, Tom",2012,"Strategic Support to Security Sector Reform in Afghanistan, 2001-2010",null,null,"Waterloo","The Centre for International Governance Innovation",null,null,null,"This paper argues that security sector reform (SSR) in Afghanistan suffers from a lack of strategic direction and political agreement. It focuses on disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), and police and army reform in two case studies — Baghlan province and Nahr-I Sarraj district in Helmand province — in order to demonstrate the pitfalls of an SSR process driven by operational activities in the absence of an overarching strategy. The paper then examines the role of the Office of the National Security Council (ONSC) within the Afghan government in order to account for the lack of strategic direction in SSR before providing recommendations on how to avoid such problems in the future.","https://www.cigionline.org/sites/default/files/ssr_issue_no6.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Diehl, Eva",2009,"Can paralegals enhance access to justice? The example of Morogoro Paralegal Centre in Tanzania",null,"Verfassung und Recht in Ãœbersee / Law and Politics in Africa, Asia and Latin America",null,"Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH",42,2,"187-211","This contribution analyses paralegal activities in Tanzania in the context of ongoing legal reforms aimed at improving access to justice. Paralegals are lay legal advisors trained by non-governmental organisations to engage in legal aid and legal education activities, with the aim of raising awareness about certain national laws as well as international human rights. Proponents of paralegals argue that their voluntary services do not only have advantages in terms of financial and geographical accessibility, but that paralegals can also practise forms of alternative dispute resolution which are culturally more accepted by the population than the procedures in court. Paralegals in Tanzania operate in a legally plural context where different conceptions of justice are at play. The present analysis is focused on a paralegal centre in Morogoro, which is shown to fulfil various functions: it facilitates mediated settlements outside the courts, it accompanies and counsels clients in court cases, and it acts as a switch-point delegating clients to other institutions in a network of forums with partly overlapping jurisdictions. It is concluded that while paralegals are able to make some contributions towards improved access to justice in small cases and family disputes within and outside the courts, they are little powerful in the face of abounding corruption or cases involving powerful officials.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/43239910",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Tanzania",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Dinnen, Sinclair and Haley, Nicole",2012,"Evaluation of the Community Officer Project in Solomon Islands",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"This evaluation assesses the performance of the Community Officer (CO) project, a trial community policing mechanism initiated by the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (RSIPF) in late 2009, with assistance from the Participating Police Force (PPF) of the Regional Assistance to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). Current interest in community policing in Solomon Islands is occurring in the larger context of the rebuilding and reform of the RSIPF that has been taking place with the assistance of RAMSI. The Solomon Islands Government (SIG) and RSIPF are committed to introducing a viable form of community policing across the country.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2012/05/11/000386194_20120511024415/Rendered/PDF/687150WP0tf0970jectEvaluation0Final.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Solomon Islands",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Dinnen, Sinclair and McLeod, Abby",2009,"Policing Melanesia-international expectations and local realities",null,"Policing & Society",null,null,19,4,"333-353","Substantial Australian assistance has been directed at strengthening state policing structures in the Melanesian countries of the Southwest Pacific, namely Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji. The scale and intensity of this assistance have increased in the post-9/11, 2001 period, as exemplified by the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands and the Enhanced Cooperation Program in PNG, both of which contain significant state policing components. However, the priority placed by international donors on reforming state police has not been matched by local demands for such reform. A key reason for this lies in the plurality of providers of policing and other justice services that exists in Melanesia. We argue that the Weberian ideal of the state monopolising security was never a smart idea in the Melanesian context and that police reform needs to engage creatively with the larger spectrum of policing and justice providers if it is to achieve real and lasting improvements to security.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460903281539",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Dinnen, Sinclair and Peake, Gordon",2013,"More Than Just Policing: Police Reform in Post-conflict Bougainville",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,20,5,"570-584","Against the generally disappointing outcomes of international police reform in fragile settings, this article examines a New Zealand-supported community policing programme in post-conflict Bougainville. While the programme’s engagement with the regular police organization has struggled for traction, support provided to an innovative and socially embedded policing initiative has produced promising results. The reasons behind these divergent outcomes and their implications for international policing are explored in the context of Bougainville’s recent history, including the legacies of conflict and the new vision of hybrid policing in the post-conflict political settlement.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2013.853961",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Papua New Guinea",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x"]
["Dinnen, Sinclair and Peake, Gordon",2015,"Experimentation and innovation in police reform Timor-Leste, Solomon Islands and Bougainville",null,"Political Science",null,null,67,1,"21-37","The plural character of policing provision in most countries is now widely acknowledged, though rarely reflected in the practical police reform programming undertaken by donors. While much of the literature on international police assistance focuses on its modest results and innate limitations, less attention has been paid to those still relatively rare programmes that have sought to engage with the local realities of plural policing. This is particularly so in the conflict-affected and fragile settings where such assistance is typically provided. In this article, we present three case studies of policing innovation and experimentation from Timor-Leste, Solomon Islands and Bougainville, respectively, set in the context of the recent and very different post-conflict interventions in each place. While not wishing to overstate the impact of these modest programmes, we highlight their potential contribution to fostering productive relations across the multiple social orders and sources of authority found in many post-colonial, post-conflict and otherwise fragile contexts. We tentatively conclude that the most significant contribution of these kinds of initiative is likely to lie beyond the realm of institutionalised policing and, specifically, in relation to larger processes of social and political change, including state formation, under way in these places.","http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1177/0032318715580623",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","Timor Leste, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Dissel, Amanda",2008,"Rehabilitation and reintegration in African prisons","Sarkin, J","Human rights in African prisons",null,"HSRC Press",null,null,"89-103","This chapter outlines some of the current rehabilitative activities being undertaken with prisoners across Africa. It does so recognising that only limited information exists about rehabilitation in most parts of the region and that firm conclusions cannot be drawn about the impact of these interventions. The chapter also attempts to draw some lessons for good practice in rehabilitation. Finally, it poses the question of what would constitute appropriate rehabilitation and reintegration, given the constraints facing most prisons in Africa.","http://www.hsrcpress.ac.za/downloadpdf.php?pdffile=files/PDF/2220/08_African_Prisons.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Djurdjevic-Lukic, Svetlana",2014,"Community Policing and Community Security: Theory and Practice in Timor-Leste",null,"JSRP Paper",null,"Justice and Security Research Programme",null,null,null,"This paper offers an appraisal of the Theory of Change developed by The Asia Foundation for its programming on Community Security, with particular reference to support for community policing. The analytical focus is on the formulation and use of the Theory of Change, the evidence provided for a specific claim within it, and its contribution to the change the Foundation hoped for at both community and national level. The research is based on fieldwork conducted in Timor-Leste from February to May 2013, as well as desk research and a literature review. The Executive Summary outlines key findings and offers suggestions for further research.","http://www.lse.ac.uk/internationalDevelopment/research/JSRP/JSRP%20Papers/JSRP-Paper-16.aspx",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Dugard, Jackie and Drage, Katherine",2013,"To Whom Do the People Take Their Issues? The Contribution of Community-Based Paralegals to Access to Justice in South Africa",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"Paralegals provide a crucial link to justice services and legal redress in South Africa, particularly for the rural poor. Although post-Apartheid constitutional reforms guaranteed a broad range of rights and benefits to all South Africans, including the right to legal assistance, accessing many of these benefits remains a challenge for those who live in remote areas and those who cannot afford legal representation. Community-based paralegals fill this gap by providing dispute resolution and legal support that is both geographically and financially accessible and informed by a deep understanding of the social issues and everyday challenges facing their clients. Despite the prevalence and importance of paralegals in the South African justice sector, their role remains largely underformalized and understudied. This report seeks to address this gap by providing a broad analysis of the current state of the paralegal sector. It begins with a historical overview of paralegal services in South Africa from the apartheid period to the present. The study then maps the current state of the paralegal sector, and provides detailed information on the structure and function of key organizations that provide paralegal services. Through an analysis of twelve case studies of paralegal-assisted cases, the report identifies facilitating and hindering determinants of CAO functions at both the institutional and organization level.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/16597/793390NWPJ0D0T00PUBLIC00Box0377373B.pdf?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ebo, Adedeji",2008,"Local ownership and emerging trends in SSR: A case study of outsourcing in Liberia","Donais, Timothy","Local Ownership and Security Sector Reform","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"149-168","This chapter considers the ramifications of outsourcing of SSR with regard to local ownership, based on the Liberian experience since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2003. The main thesis of the chapter is that the outsourcing of SSR has the potential, and arguably an inherent tendency, to create additional governance deficits in the security sector of the society undergoing reform, the net effect of which is to antagonise, alienate, polarise, and disempower the very population on whose behalf, and for whose benefit, SSR is ostensibly being undertaken.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35614/526445/file/LocalOwnershipandSSR1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Edmonds, Martin, et al.",2009,"Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration and local ownership in the Great Lakes: the experience of Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"African security",null,null,2,1,"29-58","Rwanda is at the centre of one of the key areas for the United Nations’ Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) activities: Africa’s conflictprone Great Lakes region. Yet Rwanda has adopted a unique and, in many ways, radically different DDR program to that of its neighbours, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), one that finds the UN playing no direct role. In part, this is a consequence of circumstances and experiences. Above all, it reflects sharp contrasts in the quality of leadership and strategic vision within the region. That Rwanda has proved a model for the continent as a whole poses a number of challenges not just to current thinking on DDR in Africa but more especially to wider Security Sector Reform (SSR). Rwanda’s successful program begs the question of other conflict-affected countries in the region where peacebuilding has proved less successful: ‘How important is local ownership of DDR in the Great Lakes?’","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19362200902766383",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda; Democratic Republic of Congo; Burundi",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["El Achkar, Soraya",2012,"Police reform in Venezuela: an ongoing experience",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,22,1,"89-100","This article explains and assesses the ongoing process of police reform in Venezuela, which is centered on efforts to develop and implement national standards in training, practice, oversight and rights protection to a force that has been characterized by institutional inefficiency, rapid decentralization, a fall in public confidence, and endemic rights abuse over the past 25 years.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2011.605133",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Venezuela",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Enache, Marian",2012,"Evolution of the Justice Reform in Romania, The",null,"US-China Law Review",null,null,9,null,175,"The removal of the communist state’s power, set up in Romania after 1945, through the Revolution of December 1989, paved the way for drafting a new Constitution which was to establish the democratic order of the rule of law, to promote the principles of the market economy and the protection of the private property. In this connection, under Title III of the Constitution on public authorities, the judiciary plays an important role (Cap. VI) with reference to the courts, the prosecution and the Superior Council of Magistracy. The reform is based on a triangular structure that is found both in the judicial reform strategy and in its implementation: the transparency, credibility and efficiency of justice. In this respect, it should be noted that the new constitutional provisions meet the European requirements on independence of the judiciary and of the magistrates. Strengthening the role of the High Court of Cassation and Justice, the establishment of specialized courts, the computerization of the judiciary, the improving of the judicial cooperation on European and on international level are important steps for the justice reform.","www.davidpublishing.com/DownLoad/?id=6709",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Estévez, Eduardo E",2014,"Comparing Intelligence Democratization in Latin America: Argentina, Peru, and Ecuador Cases",null,"Intelligence and National Security",null,null,29,4,"552-580","This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the intelligence democratization process in new democracies comparing three South American countries: Ecuador, Peru, and Argentina. With a background of authoritarian legacies (‘political police’ style intelligence agencies controlled by the military) under particular political circumstances and changing strategic environments, these countries experienced disparate trajectories, prescriptions, and outcomes in their efforts to reform their intelligence communities. Drawing on new institutionalism, historical moments and relevant events shaping the dynamics of intelligence democratization are highlighted for each case, depicting failures and successes, and identifying drivers of change.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2014.915177",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Equador; Peru; Argentina",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["European Commission",2011,"Thematic Evaluation of European Commission - Support to Justice and Security System Reform",null,null,"Brussels","European Commission",null,null,null,"This evaluation was commissioned by the Joint Evaluation Unit in DG DEVCO on behalf of the European Commission. It provides an independent assessment of the Commission's past support to Justice and Security System Reform (JSSR), and makes recommendations with a view to improving current and future Commission strategies and programmes. The evaluation covers the period 2001-2009 and all regions where the Commission provides JSSR assistance, with the exception of those countries that fall under the mandate of DG Enlargement.","http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/evaluation/evaluation_reports/reports/2011/1295_vol1_en.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Evans, Chris and Hasan, Sk Kamran",2010,"Alternative Dispute Resolution and Women's Empowerment within the Household",null,null,"Dhaka","BRAC",null,null,null,"This qualitative study examines the impact of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) on two aspects of women’s empowerment: the reduction of gender violence in family disputes, and the promotion of women in household decision-making. Data were collected through 18 case studies drawn from BRAC ADR cases for household disputes. Our findings suggest that ADR is effective in reducing domestic violence, but this generally does not transfer to increased power in household decision-making. ADR generally does not resolve disputes, which continue with the same intensity despite concessions made by defendants. Even when ADR has a positive impact, husbands and the in-laws act as “gatekeepers” to improvements; while household relations may be more functional, they do not become any less patriarchal. ADR empowers women by providing them with more options and resources although it compromises in promoting a massive structural change yet.","http://research.brac.net/reports/Alternative_Disput_Resolution1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Faundez, Julio",2009,"Rule of law or Washington Consensus: the evolution of the World Bank's approach to legal and judicial reform","Perry-Kessaris, Amanda","Law in the pursuit of development : principles into practice? Law, development and globalization","New York","Routledge",null,null,null,"This paper traces the evolution of the World Bank’s involvement in legal and judicial reform. Initially, the Bank conceived this new area of activity as a relatively minor component of its development work. Today, however, the scope of the legal and judicial reform agenda has significantly expanded to become part of an unprecedented and ambitious attempt radically to overhaul the structure of states in developing and transition countries. This transformation has consolidated the place of law in the development agenda. Yet, those interested in the promotion of a democratic rule of law have reasons to be concerned. Indeed, although law is today correctly seen as part of governance, the governance agenda, as currently conceived, is aimed mainly at promoting the Washington Consensus. Within this conceptualization of governance, designed largely by economists and statisticians, the place of law is largely restricted to restraining governments and facilitating commercial intercourse. Under these circumstances it is unlikely that the Bank’s much-flaunted objective of strengthening the rule of law to empower citizens and ensure their effective participation in development has any chance of success.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1510186_code1348672.pdf?abstractid=1510186&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Faundez, Julio",2010,"Access to justice and indigenous communities in Latin America","Ghai, Yash and Cottrell, Jill","Marginalized Communities and Access to Justice","London","Routledge",null,null,null,"The objective of this paper is twofold: to highlight the small, but significantly positive impact of newconstitutional norms introduced by several Latin America countries on the legal and political status ofindigenous communities; and, to identify the persistent and formidable obstacles that indigenouscommunities continue to face in their attempts to secure full and effective recognition and respect oftheir individual and collective rights. The paper is structured around two main themes: the right ofindigenous peoples to their ancestral land and the right of indigenous communities to administer justice applying their own normative and cultural standards.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1499073_code1348672.pdf?abstractid=1499073&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Faundez, Julio",2011,"Legal pluralism and international development agencies: state building or legal reform?",null,"Hague Journal on the Rule of Law",null,null,3,1,"18-38","This paper welcomes the interest that International Development Agencies (IDAs) have recently shown in legal pluralism and, more specifically, on Non-State Justice Systems (NSJS). Its objective is to remind development practitioners that NSJS are complex institutions that should be approached with great caution. Although formally NSJS are not part of the official state apparatus, they are not entirely outside the prevailing framework of governance. As a consequence, attempts to engage NSJS inevitably risks disturbing finely tuned governance arrangements which are not always easy to uncover or conceptualise using orthodox notions drawn from modern legal, political or economic theory. The materials discussed in this paper, drawn from Latin America and Africa, suggest that any successful engagement with NSJS requires a deep understanding of both local state structures and political processes. It also requires an in-depth understanding of the state and community within which NSJS operate. Indeed, as this paper shows, successful engagement should be seen as part of a continuing process of state building. Unless IDAs are willing to take a wider and more political approach to their involvement with NSJS, they will not achieve meaningful progress in rule of law and governance projects.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1763823_code1348672.pdf?abstractid=1645223&mirid=1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Ferguson, Phyllis",2011,"Progress in legislating domestic violence and gender based violence in Timor-Leste","Buang, Amriah and Momsen, Janet","Women in the Nam World: Different Contexts, Different Facets","Kuala Lumpur","NAM Institute for the Empowerment of Women",null,null,"47-66","The present situation in Timor Leste can only be understood in the historical and cultural context of prior political subjugations. Gender violence is a domestic and community reality in Timor-Leste. It existed in Portuguese colonial times, during the invading Japanese occupation in 1942, during the revolution of 1974, in the 24-year the occupation by Indonesia, which left 180,000 dead and 40% of women and girls as survivors of rape or sexual assault, and since 1999 post-conflict until Independence. Further violence since independence occurred in Dili, the capital, in 2002, 2005, and intensively in 2006, 2007 and 2008. Today, new engines for DV (Domestic Violence) and SGBV (Sexual and Gender-Based Violence ) have replaced the previous subjugations of colonialism and military occupations. This paper gives an in-depth analysis of the DV and SGBV outsta nding issues, challenges, development and prospects. For the world’s newest nation, much progress has been made in legislation promulgated since the restoration of independence in 2002. Now the need is for these various platforms of action to be pervasively socialised with all the citizens of TimorLeste and for sustainable funding to be made available to achieve these goals. Despite these problems Timorese women have been granted legal empowerment and so been given hope for a better life.","http://www.niew.gov.my/review/docs-194-32.pdf#page=52",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Flomoku, Pewee and Reeves, Lemuel",2012,"Formal and informal justice in Liberia",null,null,"London,","Conciliation Resources",null,null,null,"Based on their experiences with the Carter Center to promote justice in post-war Liberia, Pewee Flomoku and Counsellor Lemuel Reeves review both traditional and formal justice systems, and in particular how to reconcile the two. Initiatives to improve formal justice structures – training judges, magistrates, prosecutors and public defenders, and renovating court buildings – have not reached citizens, especially outside Monrovia. Many rural Liberians necessarily pursue justice through traditional channels, including chiefs, elders or spiritual leaders.","http://www.c-r.org/sites/default/files/CON1222_Accord_23_9.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ford, Jolyon",2011,"African counter-terrorism legal frameworks a decade after 2001",null,"Institute for Security Studies Monographs","Pretoria","Institute for Security Studies",null,177,"114 p.-114 p.","The monograph considers the performance of African states in terms of ratifying the universal counter-terrorism instruments, as well as the continental and regional instruments. Rates of ratification (and implementation) in Africa are generally low, and are subject to considerable regional variation. There is a range of complex, interrelated political and technical (or capacity) reasons why African states have not ratified and implemented counter-terrorism instruments more widely. Some of these reasons are not specific to counter-terrorism but affect many other legal regimes. Devoting a full chapter to these reasons, the monograph observes a degree of stagnation with regard to ratification rates in Africa. The ritualistic reaffirmation of the importance of ratification is found to be unhelpful.","https://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Mono177.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Fox, Sean and Beall, Jo",2012,"Mitigating conflict and violence in African cities",null,"Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy",null,null,30,6,"968-981","The process of urbanisation has historically been associated with both socioeconomic development and social strain. Although there is little evidence that urbanisation per se increases the likelihood of confl ict or violence in a country, in recent decades Africa has experienced exceptional rates of urban population growth in a context of economic stagnation and poor governance, producing conditions conducive to social unrest and violence. In order to improve urban security in the years ahead, the underlying risk factors must be addressed, including urban poverty, inequality, and fragile political institutions. This, in turn, requires improving urban governance in the region by strengthening the capacity of local government institutions, addressing the complex political dynamics that impede eff ective urban planning and management, and cultivating integrated development strategies that involve cooperation between various tiers and spheres of government and civil society.","http://www.envplan.com/fulltext_temp/0/c11333.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Franco, Jennifer C",2008,"Peripheral justice? Rethinking justice sector reform in the Philippines",null,"World Development",null,null,36,10,"1858-1873","Renewed interest in law and development in the 1990s focused new attention on the role of justice sector institutions in social change. If robust institutions and settled rule of law are important, they are also elusive, hence the need for reform. Yet law reform suffers from a ‘‘knowledge deficit’’ about its nature and consequences, and its target settings. Questions remain about the meaning and purpose of law reform especially in stratified societies. This paper looks to the Philippine countryside to explore these issues, and asks to what extent existing reforms address the justice needs of the rural poor","http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.10.011",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Phillippines",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Friedman, Jonathan and MacAulay, Christine",2011,"Building Civilian Police Capacity: Post-conflict Liberia",null,"Innovations for Successful Societies","Princeton","Princeton University",null,null,null,"As Liberia began to emerge from civil war in 2003, the warring sides agreed to overhaul the discredited national police service. In the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Accra, Ghana, the parties designated the United Nations as the lead body in rebuilding and reforming Liberia's civilian police capacity. In a joint effort between Liberian and U.N. police, reformers vetted and trained a new police service of more than 4,000 officers, established specialized units to combat gender-based violence and high-risk threats, improved internal accountability mechanisms, and began to reverse the sordid reputation for unlawful killings and rape the police had earned during Liberia's civil war. This case offers insights into the development of the Liberia National Police, one of the successes in post-war Liberia and an uncommon example of successful post-war police reform.","http://successfulsocieties.princeton.edu/sites/successfulsocieties/files/Policy_Note_ID176.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Friedrich, Roland and Luethold, Arnold",2008,"And they came in and took possession of reforms: ownership and Palestinian SSR","Donais, Timothy","Local Ownership and Security Sector Reform","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"191-214","Many Palestinians feel that they have been dispossessed first of their land, then of their resources and more recently of their reforms. This impression raises a fundamental question: what ownership can a society have over security sector reform (SSR) in a situation of protracted international armed conflict and occupation? Can a society have any ownership at all if, in addition, it is caught up in internal conflict and depends for its survival entirely on external financial assistance? And if it can, what form does such ownership take, in the absence of statehood and in a context of territorial fragmentation and internal political divisions?","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35614/526445/file/LocalOwnershipandSSR1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Palestine",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Friesendorf, Cornelius",2011,"Paramilitarization and security sector reform: the Afghan national police",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,18,1,"79-95","An accelerating trend to establish paramilitarized security forces has been occurring in peace operations to help fill security gaps. But the practice is problematic from a security sector reform (SSR) point of view, because SSR aims at distinguishing between the military and the police and at promoting civilian policing. This article shows that while the SSR concept leaves room for paramilitarization, it demands much caution. The paramilitarization of regular police forces is incompatible with even a flexible interpretation of SSR principles. The US-driven paramilitarization of the Afghan National Police (ANP), reflecting a search for quick fixes, is a dramatic case in point.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2011.527517",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Friesendorf, Cornelius and Krempel, Jörg",2011,"Militarized versus civilian policing: problems of reforming the Afghan National Police",null,null,"Frankfurt","Peace Research Institute",null,null,null,"This report studies the transition from civilian to military-dominated police-building in Afghanistan. From 2002, Germany was the lead nation responsible for coordinating international assistance for police-building. The German police programme in Afghanistan was designed as a sustainable project with a civilian approach. However, Germany only invested relatively little funds in the building and reform of the ANP. This reflected the initially rather limited involvement of the international community as a whole in Afghanistan. The United States’ Afghanistan policy relied on cooperation with the warlords as well as on the military regime in Pakistan. This policy served to strengthen the armed opposition forces. Once it became clear that the building of the ANP was not progressing quickly enough, the USA de facto assumed the lead role in police-building in Afghanistan. This meant a change of paradigm from a civilian-based police reform to a military-based police reform. Militarization was accelerated by the US dominated change of strategy in favour of counterinsurgency in 2009.","http://mercury.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/134188/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/2eb58664-8600-456d-9009-6a5e0b44c089/en/prif102.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Funaki, Yoshino",2009,"The UN and security sector reform in Timor-Leste: a widening credibility gap",null,null,"New York","Center on International Cooperation",null,null,null,"The Government of Timor-Leste has steadily exerted greater control over the process of security sector reform (SSR). The United Nations – despite its mandated role in SSR – has become increasingly sidelined. This study examines the evolution of SSR in Timor-Leste, focusing on the role of the UN, its ability to deliver effective and efficient SSR program support to the national government, and the factors leading to its marginalization. It is divided in three parts: first, a brief history of the country as relevant to the security sector; second, the key challenges to SSR in Timor-Leste; and third, an analysis of the UN’s involvement in security sector reform.","https://fundasaunmahein.files.wordpress.com/2009/07/funaki-timor-ssr-final.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Gabaldón, Luis Gerardo and Briceño, Yoana Monsalve",2013,"Community policing in indigenous societies - Venezuela: a country profile",null,"International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice",null,null,37,3,"249-256","In this paper we examine how local citizens and community organizations together have helped shape policing in their neighborhoods, providing new insights into how community policing operates in Venezuela. We also emphasize the unique attributes of policing practice and the current challenges of communal policing.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2013.774193",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Venezuela",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["García, Juan Felipe, et al.",2013,"Police reform, training and crime: experimental evidence from Colombia's plan cuadrantes",null,null,"Caracas","CAF",null,null,null,"The Plan Nacional de Vigilancia Comunitaria por Cuadrantes (PNVCC) is a new police patrolling program introduced in the eight major cities of Colombia in 2010 by the National Police. The strategy divides the largest cities into small geographical areas (cuadrantes), assigns six policemen to each, establishes a new patrolling protocol involving more community contact, and holds officers accountable for crime in their assigned area. The plan warranted a comprehensive training program for over 9,000 police officers aimed at improving interpersonal skills and implementation of the new patrolling protocols. By staggering the training schedule between three randomly chosen cohorts of police stations, we generate experimental variation in the exposure to training and in the effective implementation of the new police protocols induced by the Plan Cuadrantes. Comparing the 4 months immediately after training with the same months from the previous year, we find a significant reduction in several types of crime attributable to the training program, ranging from around .13 of a standard deviation for homicides to .18 of a standard deviation for brawls. These impacts are driven by very large effects in high crime areas and very small -or zero- effects in low crime neighborhoods. Once we take into account the high spatial concentration of crime, the estimated effects account for an overall reduction in the number of homicides of about 22%. We suggest that the training program affected crime by increasing the patrol police’s sense of accountability to the population and also possibly through higher police motivation. Large efficiency gains in public service provision may be attainable with relatively inexpensive interventions that bring public servants closer to their clients.","http://www.caf.com/media/4243/police_reform_training_crime_experimental_evidence_colombia.pdf","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Colombia",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Gaston, Erica",2015,"Justice and Security Dialogue in Yemen",null,"Building Peace","Washington, D.C.","United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"This report discusses the Justice and Security Dialogue (JSD) processes and activities which took place in the governorates of Abyan and Marib from early 2013 through early 2014. It details the research, planning, and implementation of context-driven dialogues, including outcomes, conclusions, and lessons learned.","http://www.usip.org/publications/justice-and-security-dialogue-in-yemen",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Yemen",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Gaston, Erica, et al.",2013,"Lessons Learned on Traditional Dispute Resolution in Afghanistan",null,"Building Peace","Washington, D.C.","United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"Following several years of research on the informal sector, USIP funded a series of one-year pilot projects in 11 districts of Afghanistan that attempted to address some of these weaknesses while also recognizing the important role that informal justice. USIP then conducted an assessment of three of the projects, spanning five districts in three Afghan provinces: Kunduz, Uruzgan, and Nangarhar. mechanisms can play in making up for challenges in the formal justice and governance system and increasing stability in a community. The pilot projects attempted to do this by strengthening linkages between local Afghan government actors and informal justice providers. These linkages included facilitating a stronger relationship between select elders involved in traditional dispute resolution and local formal governance and justice actors through structured meetings; encouraging certain patterns of referral based on the nature of the case (family law, criminal law, land disputes, etc); and encouraging the community elders to register and record the resolution of disputes with local officials.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/Traditional_Dispute_Resolution_April2013.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Gibson, Ade, et al.",2014,"Community Policing in Sierra Leone - Local Policing Partnership Boards",null,null,"Copenhagen","Danish Institute for International Studies",null,null,null,"What can we learn from how community policing has evolved in Sierra Leone? This report answers the question by presenting an in-depth analysis of Local Policing Partnership Boards (LPPBs), the main institutional response to community needs by the Sierra Leone Police (SLP).","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/55776/903737/file/diisreport2014-16_forweb.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Gillespie, John",2011,"Exploring the Limits of the Judicialization of Urban Land Disputes in Vietnam",null,"Law & Society Review",null,"Wiley on behalf of the Law and Society Association",45,2,"241-275","Economic and legal reforms have triggered waves of conflict over property rights and access to urban land in Vietnam. In this article I develop four epistemic case studies to explore the main precepts and practices that courts must negotiate to extend their authority over land disputes. Courts face a dilemma: Do they apply state laws that disregard community regulatory practices and risk losing social relevance, or apply community notions of situational justice that undermine rule formalism? I conclude that reforms designed to increase rule formalism in the courts may have the unintended consequence of reducing the capacity for judges to find lasting solutions to land disputes.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/23012042",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Vietnam",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Giustozzi, Antonio",2008,"Shadow ownership and SSR in Afghanistan","Donais, Timothy","Local Ownership and Security Sector Reform","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"215-231",null,"http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35614/526445/file/LocalOwnershipandSSR1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Giustozzi, Antonio",2011,"Reconstructing the Defence Sector",null,"AFGHANISTAN'S SECURITY SECTOR GOVERNANCE CHALLENGES","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"2022-01-01",null,"www.dcaf.ch/content/download/73136/.../DCAF_RPS_Afghanistan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Godwin, Ashlee and Haenlein, Cathy",2013,"Security-Sector Reform in Sierra Leone: The UK Assistance Mission in Transition",null,"The RUSI Journal",null,null,158,6,"30-39","In March 2013, the British-led military assistance and training mission in Sierra Leone drew to a close, after more than a decade at the centre of efforts to reform the country’s armed forces following its protracted civil war. The transition of the mission to the smaller but more broadly focused International Security Advisory Team has raised questions concerning both the sustainability of the reforms implemented to date and the prospects for success as attention turns to the wider civilian security sector. On the basis of interviews with those directly involved, Ashlee Godwin and Cathy Haenlein examine both the nature and timing of the transition, and the challenges facing the new mission.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2013.869721",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Golub, Stephen",2012,"The Political Economy of Improving Traditional Justice Systems: A Case Study of NGO Engagement with Shalish in Bangladesh","Cissé, Hassane; Muller, Sam; Thomas, Chantal and Wang, Chenguang","The World Bank Legal Review Volume 4 Legal Innovation and Empowerment for Development","Washington D.C.","World Bank",4,null,"67-88","This chapter examines how NGOs in Bangladesh attempt to employ, modify, or monitor the country’s main TJS, known as shalish, so as to retain its meritorious features and ameliorate its drawbacks.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2012/12/20/000356161_20121220072334/Rendered/PDF/NonAsciiFileName0.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Goodfellow, Tom and Smith, Alyson",2013,"From urban catastrophe to \"model-city\"? Politics, security and development in post-conflict Kigali",null,"Urban studies",null,null,50,15,"3185-3202","In the years immediately after the 1994 Rwandan genocide, Kigali was a site of continuing crisis amid extraordinary levels of urban population growth, as refugees returned to Rwanda in their millions. Yet unlike many post-conflict cities that spiral into endemic crime and instability, it was rapidly securitised in the context of political consolidation and large amounts of foreign aid, and hailed by the UN as a ‘model, modern city’. This paper analyses the government’s approach to securitising Kigali, interrogating how its rapid trajectory from epicentre of conflict to carefully planned showcase for development has been achieved. It is argued that Kigali bears the weight of many of Rwanda’s development aspirations and keeping it secure and orderly is viewed as critical by the government. After examining the national and local processes through which the government has aimed to achieve ‘secure urbanisation’, the potential longer-term implications of its urban development strategy are considered.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098013487776",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Goodwin, Laura and Maru, Vivek",2014,"What do we know about legal empowerment? Mapping the evidence",null,null,"Washington D.C.","Namati",null,null,null,"There is substantial evidence available on the impact of legal empowerment interventions. This review analyses 199 studies that address the results of a wide range of legal empowerment work.The studies cover interventions on every major continent, with Asia the most represented region, and draw data from evaluation methods including randomised control trials, surveys, interviews, and qualitative case studies.","http://namati.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Evidence-Review2.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Graben, Sari and Fitz-Gerald, Ann",2013,"Mind the gap: the importance of local institutional development in peace-building-funded security interventions",null,"Conflict, Security and Development",null,null,13,3,"285-316","In this paper, the authors analyse current spending priorities of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF)-funded security sector reform (SSR) programmes. They conclude that these spending priorities do not appear to support traditional components of SSR and underfund programmes needed for the development of local public administration and civil society. This is observed despite the published commitments of UN PBF funding priorities to include the strengthening of national institutions in the context of support to the wider security and justice sectors.1 The underfunding of civil society and local administration has been shown to undermine PBF's goals for the type of liberal democratic reform upon which peace-building, conflict management and conflict prevention rests. Focusing on the importance of accountability, the authors build on the scholarship of the rule of law literature to explore wider concerns associated with limited support to local public institutions and civil society. Drawing on empirical research on the peace-building experience in Sierra Leone, the authors reflect on concerns with the effects of past and current funding priorities and expose a number of &#8216;capacity deficits&#8217; which have emerged in the wake of PBF funding patterns. The article concludes with several recommendations for a contextual approach to the development of local institutions and civil society in PBF-recipient countries more generally, and in Sierra Leone more specifically. This work contributes to the growing literature that seeks to link security sector reform with the need for a more nuanced approach to peace-building.","http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/routledg/ccsd/2013/00000013/00000003/art00002",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone; Liberia; Central African Republic (CAR); Guinea; Burundi",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Grabendorff, Wolf",2009,"Limited Security Sector Reform in Colombia","Born, Hans and Schnabel, Albrecht","Security Sector Reform in Challenging Environments.","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"Colombia is the only South American country that is experiencing an ongoing internal conflict and has a very specific security policy aimed at achieving permanent state control over the entire territory of the country as well as ending the production and trafficking of drugs. The Colombian military and police forces (the second largest in the region after Brazil) spend 3.5 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and define their respective missions very differently from the way that security organisations in post-conflict societies do. Indeed, it is by no means clear whether the concept of security sector reform (SSR) is at all applicable to the Colombian case or how such reforms should be implemented and their ‘success’ could be measured, since the concept has only fleetingly been mentioned in the otherwise very lively academic and policy debate about security issues in the country. The question of the applicability of the general concept of SSR becomes further complicated by the overwhelming influence of the United States (US) as the principal external actor furthering and conditioning the limited SSR in Colombia according to its own domestic and international interests and priorities without specifically referring to the concept as such. The SSR process under way in Colombia since 1989 can only be viewed as being limited, as it has primarily been concentrated on achieving a modernisation of the security sector with the sole intention of improving the presence and security of the state and reducing the role of non-state armed actors in the country. By reviewing the national security challenges and institutional characteristics as well as the reform characteristics and objectives, the very specific and complex interaction between security and governance concepts in Colombia will become more transparent.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36932/529081/file/Ch03_Colombia_12Oct.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Colombia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Gramckow, Heike and Allen, Frances",2011,"Justice Sector Reform in Mongolia: Looking Back, Looking Forward",null,"Justice and Developmnt Working Paper Series","Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"The justice sector in Mongolia has changed significantly in the 20 years since the country became a democracy. From the very beginning, the World Bank and other international partners have provided significant assistance to reform processes, particularly in areas concerned with the development of an independent judiciary. Especially in comparison to other countries in the region, Mongolia’s reform efforts have been generally successful. During the early and economically difficult times since democracy was established, reform activities naturally focused on legal reforms, including the creation of a legislative framework for democratic institutions, the transition to a market economy, and for needed changes in the relationship between the state and the people. This was followed at the end of the millennium by concerted efforts to reform justice institutions and to improve human capacities for supporting, implementing and sustaining reforms. Mongolia was the first developing nation to pursue comprehensive and inclusive strategic planning for its justice sector. Its strategic plan has provided a roadmap for reforms over many years and withstood leadership changes in both the government and in the key justice agencies. Much has been achieved, considering the challenges that have been overcome in terms of justice system infrastructure, human capacities and changes in attitudes, all with only very limited budget resources. At the same time, reform gaps exist and public trust in the justice sector is lacking. Critics continue to point to weak and uneven decision making capacities of prosecutors and judges, despite more than a decade of intensive donor support for their training. This paper reviews some of the underlying issues affecting justice reforms in Mongolia; and points to areas that require attention to overcome the current shortcomings and challenges.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/18323/659900WP00PUBL0ngolia0Paper01602011.pdf?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mongolia",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Griffiths, Anne",2011,"Delivering justice: the changing gendered dynamics of land tenure in Botswana",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"231-262","This article argues for the important role of social networks in legal pluralism contexts, and in doing so for the importance of moving beyond abstract assertions about law and legal processes. It is based on an in-depth study (2009–2010) of women’s access to and control over land in Botswana, within a legal pluralist context where the state is highly heterogeneous and where customary and statutory law administer land through varying institutions that derive their power from a constellation of sources. The article shows that a much higher proportion of women now gain formal customary land titles and certificates than was the case 25 years ago. This overall reflects that access to land is no longer influenced as much by gender as by “class”. The latter represents a constellation of factors that contribute to the accumulation of human, social as well as economic capital. While improvements in women’s access to land are partly owed to changes in land law, the role of Land Boards, and the influence of human rights NGOs, access to land is strongly influenced by social networks and informal transactions. What is crucial are the factors that contribute to the social networks that individuals can draw on, which have an impact on their capacity to negotiate poverty and access to justice in both formal and informal domains. Legal pluralism within this context reflects mutually constitutive processes that draw on and intersect with the social dimensions of everyday life. These insights ought to have an important bearing on the strategies of international development agencies’ focus on the linkages between poverty reduction, access to justice and property rights.","http://commission-on-legal-pluralism.com/volumes/63/griffiths-art.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Botswana",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Griffiths, Cecil",2011,"Mapping study on gender and security sector reform actors and activities in Liberia",null,null,"Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"With the March 2009 adoption of the NAP and the increased awareness of the importance of integrating a gender perspective into SSR, many SSR actors have taken steps to mainstream gender. The number of gender and SSR actors in Liberia has grown. Effective communication among these actors can help maximise the impact of gender and SSR activities. This mapping study provides an overview of the gender and SSR actors working in Liberia and their activities. The study seeks to reinforce information‐sharing and coordination among these actors. The information it provides may serve to identify gaps and/or duplication of efforts and may also help to monitor progress in the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325.  ","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35993/527203/file/Gender_mapping_Liberia_August2011.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Grillot, Suzette R",2008,"Policing via principles: reforming the use of force in the western Balkans",null,"East European Politics & Societies",null,null,22,2,"319-346","After a significant period of violent conflict in the Western Balkans, countries in the region, specifically Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Serbia-Montenegro, and the United Nations (UN) protectorate of Kosovo, have embarked on a process of democratic reform. Part of the democratization effort involves reforming the police force. One important, yet not often studied, aspect of police reform is the appropriate use of force with firearms. This study explores the process of police reform in the Western Balkan region to assess the implementation of the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. Ultimately, this study offers a view of law enforcement activities in an attempt to assess how well these countries are incorporating international standards on the use of force with firearms into their national police practices. In so doing, this research enriches our understanding of weapons","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315766",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Albania; Kosovo; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Serbia; Montenegro",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Grimes, Richard",2014,"Accessing Justice: The Role of Law School Legal Clinics in Conflict-affected Societies",null,"Asian Journal of Legal Education",null,null,1,2,"71-87","This article looks at access to justice in the context of histories, past or present, of armed conflict and civil strife. It takes, as its starting point, the importance of the rule of law as one of the means, if not the only (or even most suitable), of rendering accountable those who violate rights and prevent the uptake of entitlements. Given the relative lack of infrastructure in many jurisdictions, it is often problematic for indigent people to secure legal help. To address such unmet needs, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and legal educators (and in some instances government departments) are coming together to establish legal clinics through which clients and communities can be assisted. Where these clinics are based in or are otherwise being supported by law schools, students under professional supervision, not only help the poor and the needy but also develop their own knowledge, skills and values by applying principle to practice. The article draws on the author’s direct experience in countries emerging from conflict and asks, to what extent can legal clinics provide an appropriate, relevant and sustainable service that meets the needs of all stakeholders? Also, it seeks to address whether there are lessons to be learnt from observed developments and if there is a ‘clinical’ model that can be adapted and implemented in jurisdictions where access to justice is a major challenge.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005814530327",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"Afghanistan; Georgia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Groves, Gabrielle Eva Carol, et al.",2009,"Keeping the peace is not enough: human security and gender-based violence during the transitional period of Timor-Leste",null,"Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia",null,null,24,2,"186-210","Human security has been defined as people-centred and inextricably linked to development. This concept challenges the traditional security paradigm with its exclusive focus on the protection of the state and its sovereignty from conflict and immanent threats. By focusing on incidences of gender-based violence, this paper attempts to demonstrate the shortcomings of the UN peace-keeping mission and interim government in Timor-Leste in recognizing and redressing forms of violence and conflict other than those that threatened the new nation-state during the transitional period. Through the prism of gender-based violence, the paper argues that indigenous normatives and adjudication on gendered violence co-exist with the liberal principles of state-centric security and are mutually reinforcing. As a result, this has generated new forms of insecurity, stoking the uneasy peace that continues to haunt the new nation-in-the-ma","http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj24-2b",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Guruswamy, Menaka and Singh, Aditya",2010,"Village courts in India: unconstitutional forums with unjust outcomes",null,"Journal of Asian Public Policy",null,null,3,3,"281-293","The passage of the Gram Nyayalayas or Village Courts Act (2008) perpetuates the phenomenon of two Indias – that of the relatively better resourced urban citizen who can afford and has access to the courts and that of the poorer, more disconnected rural citizen. The act’s premise is flawed, as the government is the biggest litigator by far. This article has two primary aims. The first is to examine the premise of the overburdened system and to highlight figures that show that the Indian legal system is accessed very unevenly and that there seems to be some link between literacy levels, poverty rates and where a person lives, and their use of the courts. Second, we argue that the statute will lead to the unjust exclusion of the impoverished, from just legal processes under the garb of ‘speedy’ and ‘efficient’ administration of justice. With this legislation, the state limits rights that accrue to all citizens under any legal system (e.g. the right to appeal and the right against self-incrimination). Instead of attempting to address the maladministration and weaknesses of the system, the government has chosen to bypass the legal system for those that it can manoeuvre out of the constitutional scheme.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17516234.2010.536345",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Guzmán-Sánchez, Rubén and Espriu-Guerra, Alejandro",2014,"External Police Oversight in Mexico: Experiences, Challenges, and Lessons Learned",null,null,null,null,3,1,null,"After nearly 20 years of 'reformist-measures', the police in Mexico continues to be an ineffective, unreliable, and 'far from citizen' institution. The efforts made so far have faded amongst political interests and agendas; multidimensional frameworks out-dated at both conceptual and interagency levels; short-sighted competition for resources; evaluation and performance monitors that are handicapped by bureaucratic inaction; and weak transparency and accountability that perpetuate the opacity in which the police operate. In this context, the agenda of external police oversight is still at a rudimentary stage. However, there are several initiatives that have managed to push the issue to the frontier of new knowledge and promising practices. This paper outlines the experiences and challenges of - as well as the lessons learned by - the Institute for Security and Democracy (Insyde) A.C., one of the most recognised think tanks in Mexico.","http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.ek",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Hammergren, Linn",2008,"Twenty-Five Years of Latin American Judicial Reforms: Achievements, Disappointments, and Emerging Issues",null,"Whitehead J. Dipl. & Int'l Rel.",null,null,9,1,"89-104","In the democratic opening of the early 1980s, judicial reform appeared on the policy agenda throughout Latin America. Although such efforts were not new to the region, their virtually universal and nearly simultaneous adoption into policy was novel, extending even to the few countries (Colombia, Costa Rica, and Venezuela) without recent de facto regimes. The movement eventually incorporated the entire justice sector (“sector”) rather than the courts alone. The reforms were locally inspired, though they received financial and political support from the donor community, and over time, other external inputs. Twentyfive years later, regional (and donor) interest has not waned despite a failure to deliver many promised improvements. Still, the sector’s organization, operations, and political influence were altered substantially, and most of these changes appear irreversible. Whether perceived as down payments on future progress or as a source of new challenges, the changes suggest the project will not be abandoned soon. The following explores these arguments in three parts: first a review of the movement’s early history and the way new actors and circumstances broadened its agenda; second, an examination of its accomplishments, failures, and the causes of each; and finally, an exploration of issues that have emerged in recent years.","http://blogs.shu.edu/diplomacy/files/archives/09%20Hammergren.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"El Salavador; Guatemala; Hondurus; Nicaragua; Brazil; Chile; Haiti; Paraguay; Peru; Venzuela",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Hansen, Annika S",2008,"Strengthening the police in divided societies - empowerment and accountability in Bosnia-Herzegovina",null,"Policing & Society",null,null,18,4,"339-361","After 11 years of international assistance the police in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) still struggle to perform their duties effectively and impartially against a backdrop of nationalist party politics and ethnic divisions. Responsiveness and accountability are critical factors for the success of democratic policing but become problematic where the police are confronted with conflicting demands and nationalist agendas. This article takes a closer look at internationally driven measures to strengthen the police, build public confidence and reduce political interference. They include the introduction of Police Commissioners/Directors and laws on police, support for non-partisan state-level institutions and Police Restructuring. Other measures have sought to engender public trust by addressing misconduct and strengthening police community relations. Attempts to foster the law enforcement capacity of the police have been quite successful, but they are still held hostage by their political context and the wider debate on the national cohesion of BiH.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460802094637",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Hanson-Alp, R",2010,"Civil society's role in Sierra Leone's security sector reform process Experiences from Conciliation Resources West Africa Programme","P. Albrecht and P. Jackson","Security Sector Reform in Sierra Leone 1997 - 2007: Views from the Front Line","Geneva","Lit Verlag/Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"183-208","This chapter brings together experiences and lessons learned about the role of civil society in SSR in Sierra Leone as seen through the experience of the Conciliation Resources (CR) West Africa programme. CR started working in Sierra Leone in 1995 to support capacity-building efforts of civil society organisations to address the many challenges they faced in reducing the negative impacts of conflict on communities and promote reconciliation and peacebuilding. Over the years CR has responded to critical peace and security needs, largely focused in Sierra Leone, although some projects have a subregional focus. Our work has evolved under the thematic areas of community peacebuilding, subregional security and stability, and social exclusion and marginalisation, with a focus on women and youth.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35883/526983/file/Jackson%20and%20Albrecht.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Harris, Vandra and Goldsmith, Andrew",2012,"Police in the Development Space: Australia's international police capacity builders",null,"Third World Quarterly",null,null,33,6,"1019-1036","International police now contribute the second largest proportion of personnel to peacekeeping missions after militaries. They are thus key contributors to post-conflict transitions in developing countries. In the past decade Australian police have played a major role in a range of international missions in the Asia-Pacific region, partially funded by Australia’s international development budget. Increasingly the Australian Federal Police, as Australia’s lead agency in this area, has explicitly adopted the development language of capacity building to describe a significant part of their role. This paper considers the contribution of Australian police to building or developing the capacity of new and/or re-formed police forces following conflict. It also examines the degree to which international police missions are able to contribute to broader development goals and achievements within these settings. In doing so, it engages with the question of ‘outsiders’ (non-development professionals) performing development work in the increasingly populated space of post-conflict recovery and reconstruction.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2012.681492",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","Timor Leste; Solomon Islands; Papua New Guinea",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["He, Xin",2009,"Court finance and court responses to judicial reforms: a tale of two Chinese courts",null,"Law & Policy",null,null,31,4,"463-486","This research studies the responses of two lower-level courts, one in rural and the other in urban China, to recent judicial reforms focusing on strengthening institutional building and professionalism. It finds that the court funding structure under which the courts heavily rely on the local government for expenses, together with the unbalanced development of local economy, remarkably affects the two courts‟ behavioural pattern in different ways. The rural court, for the sake of litigation fees, tries to attract potential litigants to file certain lawsuits, even though it cannot effectively handle them. The efforts toward institutional building and professionalism only aggravate the already difficult situation. The urban court‟s institutional quality seems to have increased in the reform process, thanks to sufficient resources from the developed and diversified local economy. But it has also become more formalized and bureaucratic, as it tries to exclude difficult and problematic disputes from getting into the court. In illustrating the complexity of transitional China‟s judicial reform process generated by both the unbalanced economic development and the bureaucratization of the judiciary, this article suggests that the enhancement of institutional quality, which many argue is key to economic development, may itself be contingent upon the success of economic development.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1447223_code367705.pdf?abstractid=1447223&mirid=1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"China",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Hendricks, Cheryl and Valasek, Kristin",2010,"Gender and security sector transformation - from theory to South African practice",null,"SIPRI Yearbook 2010",null,"SIPRI",null,null,null,"This chapter will illustrate the necessity of comprehensive transformation of the security sector through focusing on the issue of gender. Not only is gender equality one of the key objectives of a process of transformation, it is also an entry point and an indicator of sustainable security sector transformation. After delving into the conceptual linkages between gender, security and transformation, the chapter employs the example of the South African defence reform process to illustrate opportunities and challenges for the integration of gender into security sector transformation processes.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36938/529093/file/chapter_4.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Hendrickson, Dylan",2014,"Burundi Defence Review: Lessons Identified",null,null,"London","King's College London",null,null,null,"Between 2011 and 2014 the Government of the Republic of Burundi undertook a strategic defence review with the assistance of the Government of the Netherlands. The review's overall objective was to help Burundi to adapt the National Defence Force to the changing security environment facing the country.The purpose of this report is to assess Burundi's experiences and to identify lessons which can inform future defence reviews in Burundi or other countries. These lessons are intended, firstly, for Burundi's political and military authorities, members of the FDN who will be involved in implementing the review findings, and Burundi's other security agencies. But they will also be of utility for other countries seeking to undertake security reviews and donors seeking to supporting these processes.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/62427/1033023/file/Burundi%20lesson%20learned%20report_Final%20ENGLISH1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Hendrickson, Dylan, et al.",2010,"Supporting SSR in the DRC: between a Rock and a Hard Place. An Analysis of the Donor Approach to Supporting Security Sector Reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"The Hague","Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael",null,null,null,"The authors of this paper have drawn upon their professional experience in the DRC and/or ongoing analysis of developments there. This has included interviews, conducted both in country and at donor headquarter level, of political representatives and working-level practitioners of donor country and multilateral institutions, independent experts, Congolese civil servants across the justice, police and defence sectors as well as non-governmental organisation and civil society representatives.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/2025/17389/file/Supporting%20SSR%20in%20the%20DRC%20between%20a%20Rock%20and%20a%20Hard%20Place%20-%20Clingendael,%20Boshoff%20%282010%29.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Hills, Alice",2008,"The dialectic of police reform in Nigeria",null,"The Journal of Modern African Studies",null,null,46,2,"215-234","Despite decades of police assistance and the recent introduction of reform plans, Nigeria’s public police remain notoriously brutal and corrupt. This raises the question of whether even flawed reforms in a relatively democratic environment can make a significant difference to policing standards and practices. Based on developments in the Nigeria Police since 2005, this article suggests that reform can make a normative and organisational difference, but that in the absence of fundamental socio-political change, its effects tend to be superficial, localised and temporary. Reform’s dynamic is better understood as a classic dialectic than a serial succession of movements.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003200",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Hills, Alice",2012,"Lost in translation: why Nigeria's police don't implement democratic reforms",null,"International affairs",null,null,88,4,"739-755","What explains the response of a police service in Anglophone Africa to externally funded reform ventures, and how does the police response relate to internally generated initiatives? It also prompts a question with implications for policy transfer more generally: what explains the uneven transmission of politically sensitive forms of knowledge? We can throw light on these questions by considering the Nigerian police’s response to community policing projects supported by the UK,3 and to the internally driven reform initiatives developed since 1999, when the election of President Olusegun Obasanjo marked the end of 15 years of military rule.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01099.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Hills, Alice",2014,"Somalia works: Police development as state building",null,"African Affairs",null,null,113,450,"88-107","Somalia is an exceptionally insecure state that nevertheless offers an arena in which police officers and institutions can – and do – function. This article argues that Somalia’s three regional police forces offer insight into the dynamics that result when locally driven institution-building projects interface with international state-building projects. The resultant picture is nuanced because police negotiate with private actors even as they develop their state-based authority, and their achievements are limited by Somali power brokers sharing a political understanding of security provision, valuing external assistance as a business opportunity, and adapting international models of governance accordingly. Consequently, while the prospects for institution building are favourable, stabilization is unlikely to shift into state building or development.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adt068",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Somalia",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Hrlović, Dženana",2013,"Public Legal Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,null,"Sarajevo","Analitika",null,null,null,"The goal of this present research was to assess the nature and scope of current activities in public legal education, with special focus on the youth, as well as the needs and capacities for their development within the specific context of BiH. To that end, a comparative analysis of PLE programs was conducted, mainly based on secondary sources about the programs and activities in this field of public education in Bosnia and Herzegovina, countries of the region, Europe, and beyond. In that context, experiences from Canada, United States of America, and United Kingdom were especially important, for these are the countries where such programs are the most advanced. In addition, the data for assessment was collected through primary research, which included 14 interviews with the representatives of competent ministries and other governmental institutions, as well as international and domestic organizations dealing with these issues at least to a certain extent.","http://www.analitika.ba/sites/default/files/publikacije/hrlovic_dz._public_legal_education_in_bih_31may2013.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ibrahim, Aisha Fofona",2012,"The Integration of a Gender Perspective in the Sierra Leone Police",null,null,"Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"The Sierra Leone Police (SLP) began its reform process in 1997. As part of this process, the service developed a number of key policies that seek to promote gender equality and responsiveness. In 2011 the SLP undertook, for the first time, an assessment to measure its achievements to date in integrating gender issues in its reform process, and identify remaining gaps as well as good practices to inform the ongoing restructuring. This self-assessment process was undertaken by the SLP, using DCAF's Gender Self-Assessment Guide. It was conducted from May to October 2011 by a 10-member working group within SLP, comprising personnel from different departments with varied ranks, expertise and length of service.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/18191/212702/file/Final_web%20version.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada",2010,"Haiti: Overview of police reform efforts; the effectiveness of the police; existence of a police complaints authority and recourse available to individuals who file complaints against the police; initial impact of 12 January 2010 earthquake",null,null,"Ottawa","Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada",null,null,null,null,"http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4b8631dc2.html",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Ingram, Matthew C",2012,"Crafting courts in new democracies: ideology and judicial council reforms in three Mexican states",null,"Comparative Politics",null,null,44,4,"439-458","This article highlights the role of ideas and agency. Ideas— nonmaterial, principled commitments about the proper role of courts in society—clarify why some actors may promote reform despite the absence of competition, and the absence of these ideas illuminates why others have been unwilling to reform despite the incentives of competition. Ideas also clarify why actors promote reform despite material costs, obstacles, and constraints, even expending great effort over long periods of time to overcome those obstacles. That is, ideas help us understand what motivates “high-risk activism” and other forms of costly behavior.","http://mattingram.net/Research/Ingram_CP2012_44-4.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["International Crisis Group",2008,"Policing in Afghanistan: still searching for a strategy",null,null,"Brussels","International Crisis Group",null,null,null,"This paper is an assessment of the police reforms in Afghanistan and its impacts. The paper says that police reform is receiving more attention and resources than ever before, but such increased efforts are still yet to be matched by significant improvements in police effectiveness and public confidence. Too much emphasis has continued to be placed on using the police to fight the insurgency rather than crime. Corruption and political appointments are derailing attempts to professionalise the force. The government and the international community need to reinforce the International Policing Coordination Board (IPCB) as the central forum for prioritising efforts and drive forward with much greater unity of effort.","http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/afghanistan/b85_policing_in_afghanistan___still_searching_for_a_strategy",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["International Crisis Group",2009,"Liberia: Uneven Progress in Security Sector Reform - International Crisis Group",null,null,"Brussels","International Crisis Group",null,null,null,"Little more than five years ago, Liberia was emerging from fourteen years of brutal war and pillage that had left it in ruins. today, it has a democratically elected president, and the security sector is experiencing reforms that are unprecedented not only in the country, but in the world. Under cover of a 15,000-strong UN peacekeeping force, it drew both its army and defence ministry to zero, in order to recruit, vet and train the personnel for these institutions from the ground up. Such \"root and branch\" security sector reform (SSR) was bold. But, given the many abuses perpetrated by the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) both before and during the civil war, the vast majority of Liberians supported it.","http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/west-africa/liberia/Liberia%20Uneven%20Progress%20in%20Security%20Sector%20Reform.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Irvine, Jill A",2013,"Leveraging Change: WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF UNSCR 1325 IN THE BALKANS",null,"International Feminist Journal of Politics",null,null,15,1,"20-38","This article examines how regional and local women’s organizations in Serbia, BosniaHerzegovina and Kosovo have used UNSCR 1325 as a tool for organizing and advocacy in three broad areas: women’s inclusion in decision-making processes; regional and human security; and transitional justice. In response to perceived unwillingness by international as well as national actors to implement UNSCR 1325, women’s organizations developed strategies to use this international norm to achieve their goals. They have done this, I argue, through a double ‘boomerang effect’. In their seminal 1998 work, Activists Beyond Borders, Keck and Sikkink demonstrated how NGOs operate to produce a boomerang effect; they appeal to transnational actors to assert international pressure against national governments in order to enforce compliance with human rights norms. In attempting to implement UNSCR 1325, women’s organizations have also often added a reverse dimension, mobilizing local support through grassroots campaigns and regional networks in order to force the United Nations and other international actors to comply with their own resolution concerning women, peace and security. In doing so, they have achieved some success in promoting inclusion. They have been less successful in using UNSCR 1325 as a tool for addressing structural sources of inequality including militarism and neo-liberal models of economic development.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2012.699779",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Serbia; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Kosovo",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Islam, Md Akramul, et al.",2012,"Exploring Legal Aid Services of BRAC HRLS Programme in Cox's Bazar",null,null,"Dhaka","BRAC",null,null,null,"This study explored the present status of legal aid services under BRAC Human Rights and Legal Aid Services (HRLS) programme ensuring social justice to the poor rural women and children in six branch offices of Cox’s Bazar district. Using qualitative method, data were collected through observations, in-depth interviews, and case studies. Secondary data were also obtained on legal aid services from the programme documents. We observed the performance of Legal Aid Clinics, Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) sessions, and the performances of staff and volunteers. The findings reveal that most of the disputes occurred for demand of dower and maintenance, demand of money and assets promised as dower, regain conjugal rights, and appeal for separation and divorce. In the last year (April 2010-March 2011) 119 disputes (44.1%) of 271 disputes were resolved through mediation or ADR sessions and 146 disputes (53.6%) were under process for ADR or litigation, and 6 disputes (2.2%) were dropped due to the absence of the disputing party. The study identified some gaps or weaknesses in the way of effective implementation of the programme. Insufficient resources including space for programme activities, lack of skilled staff with legal background, staff shortage, lack of communication and networking at community and upazila levels, shortage of budget for the programme, inactive shebok/shebikas (volunteers), lack of professional interaction between panel lawyer and Field Organizer (FO) were some of the barriers in the success of programme implementation.","http://research.brac.net/reports/Exploring.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Jackson, Paul",2011,"Decentralised power and traditional authorities: how power determines access to justice in Sierra Leone",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"207-230","This article argues that local power arrangements are important in determining people’s access to justice in Sierra Leone and they also have a strong impact on the outcome of justice processes. Furthermore, these links are usually overlooked within internationally supported local government and justice reforms, where traditional authorities like Paramount Chiefs are able to negotiate local political institutions to maintain biases against lineages and social categories, particularly youth and gender. Many international donor programmes emphasise the development of formal justice systems, but traditional or customary law still provides the majority of justice decisions for the population, particularly in the districts","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2011.10756662",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Jallah-Scott, Patricia",2008,"Security Sector Reform and Local Ownership in Liberia",null,null,"London","King's College London/African Leadership Centre",null,null,null,"This study will focus on issues regarding local ownership of Security Sector Reform and its implications to stability, democracy and development. It aims at examining i) the success of the SSR process in Liberia in the absence of local ownership and commitment; ii) the sustainability of the reform despite local capacity; and iii) the implications, threats and impacts that such implementation process poses to the fragile peace and the future stability and development of Liberia. It will endeavour to investigate particular issues such as the marginalization of civil society, limited parliamentary oversight, lack of transparency and accountability, the incoherent and fragmented process of SSR implementation, and the neglect of other security institutions by actors involved in the reform","http://www.kcl.ac.uk/aboutkings/worldwide/initiatives/global/alc/publications/ALCReportNo2Jallah-Scott.pdf",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Jayasundere, Ramani and Valters, Craig",2014,"Women's Experiences of Local Justice: Community Mediation in Sri Lanka",null,null,null,"The Justice and Security Research Programme (JSRP)",null,null,null,"This study examines the mediation boards in Sri Lanka and their treatment of women. Mediation boards are a dispute resolution system established by the State and conducted by local citizens. There are currently 324 mediation boards and over 7000 mediators. This is not a minor system in Sri Lanka's context, particularly given the relative inaccessibility of Sri Lanka's court system; court cases in Sri Lanka can take many years and are often very expensive, considerably limiting access to the courts, especially for poor or socially excluded groups.","http://www.lse.ac.uk/internationalDevelopment/research/JSRP/downloads/JSRP-10-JayasundereValters.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Sri Lanka",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Jaye, Thomas",2009,"Liberia: Parliamentary Oversight and Lessons Learned from Internationalized Security Sector Reform",null,null,"New York","Centre on International Cooperation",null,null,null,"Following the signing of the 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) ending the Liberian civil war, there have been revitalized efforts for security sector reform, led principally by the United States and the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of (i) the extent and effect of international support for parliamentary oversight of the security sector relative to other reform priorities, and (ii) to assess the potential impact of the reform process on preventing conflict recurrence in Liberia.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/10645/106742/file/Liberia_SSR.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Jok, Jok Madut",2013,"State, Law, and Insecurity in South Sudan",null,"Fletcher Forum of World Affairs",null,null,37,2,"69-80","The following sections of the paper will review what has been said, written, and contested about the state of physical safety, access to justice, and the role of the state as provider of protection, or, alternatively a source of insecurity and impunity. Based on interviews with many citizens’ groups, this paper will describe the sources, dynamics, and impact of insecurity on the state, on the social order, and on the whole society and nation. It will also highlight some major policy actions that can rectify this situation.","http://www.fletcherforum.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Jok-37-2.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Joseph, A Mallika",2009,"Leading Ahead, Yet Far Behind Governance of the Security Sector in India",null,"South Asian Survey",null,null,16,2,"231-251","In India, there is no comprehensive single security sector reform (SSR) process underway. However, reforms are ongoing in almost all key security sectors. These reforms are self-driven, born at times out of internal analysis, at other times out of domestic pressure resulting from glaring, high-publicity non-performance. The reforms have generally been a reactive process and piecemeal in nature, rather than resulting from long-term strategic planning and needs assessment. Most, if not all, of the security and defence-related reform process has its roots in developments after the nuclear tests of June 1998. Unless these reforms stem from a national strategic planning process, the full benefi ts of the reforms will be lost","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310901600205",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Jupp, John",2013,"Legal Transplants as Solutions for Post-Intervention Criminal Law Reform: Afghanistan's Interim Criminal Procedure Code 2004",null,"The American Journal of Comparative Law",null,"American Society of Comparative Law",61,1,"51-91","Following increased international involvement in post-intervention law reform, a fundamental concern is whether legal transplants are effective solutions for creating urgently required criminal law to promote rule of law and transitions from conflict to peace. This paper examines Afghanistan's Interim Criminal Procedure Code 2004 (ICPC), one the most recent examples of a transplanted criminal law introduced in a post-intervention state. The Article applies an evaluative test to the ICPC using quantitative data supported by original qualitative research consisting of interviews with senior Afghan and international legal personnel. It finds that the Code has not been successful. This is a result of the many challenges facing the reform of the state justice system. In addition, the processes of transplantation and the transplanted content of the Code have reduced the extent to which it has been accepted and achieved its objectives. The reasonableness of relying on a legal transplant as a solution for creating new law will depend on the sensitivity with which it is employed. This requires knowledge of legal transplant feasibility, local history and legal traditions as well as reflection on the potential of successful reception of the law before its implementation.","http://dx.doi.org/10.5131/AJCL.2012.0016",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Jütersonke, Oliver, et al.",2009,"Gangs, Urban Violence, and Security Interventions in Central America",null,"Security Dialogue",null,null,40,null,"373-397","What is the nature of Central American gang violence and have attempts to reduce it been successful? Urban violence is a major preoccupation of policymakers, planners and development practitioners, but it is a complex phenomenon. This article argues that repressive first-generation approaches have tended to radicalise gangs and push them towards organised crime. Meanwhile, preventive second-generation interventions have been credited with modest success, but have yielded more rhetorical advances than actual reductions in gang violence.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010609343298",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Costa Rica; El Salvador; Guatemala; Honduras; Nicaragua; Panama",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Kakachia, Kornely and O'Shea, Liam",2012,"Why does police reform appear to have been more successful in Georgia than in Kyrgyzstan or Russia?",null,"The Journal of Power Institutions in Post-Soviet Societies",null,null,null,13,null,"This paper explains why the success of the Georgian police reform was dependent on state building and why such a process has not occurred in Kyrgyzstan or Russia. Primarily, the authors argue, state building resulted in police reform in Georgia because the new elite was quick to assert its authority and was determined to tackle low level corruption. However, according to the authors, state building has not been possible in Kyrgyzstan because the state's leadership has been too divided. In Russia, dominant political figures lack the ability and desire to drive reform of the police organization.","http://mercury.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/155712/ichaptersection_singledocument/591cb40d-da18-44ab-b07f-d5d0d8e82a1d/en/pipss-3964-issue-13-why-does-police-reform-appear-to-have-been-more-successful-in-georgia-than-in-kyrgyzstan-or-russia.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Georgia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Kartas, Moncef",2014,"Foreign Aid and Security Sector Reform in Tunisia: Resistance and Autonomy of the Security Forces",null,"Mediterranean Politics",null,null,19,3,"373-391","Three years after the demise of the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia, the progress and state of security sector reform (SSR) is in limbo. What have been the main dynamics dragging the reform of the security sector? What role has foreign aid and assistance played in this process? By exploring these questions, this article makes the argument that the approach and vision of multi- and bilateral aid agencies is fundamentally flawed, producing effects at cross-purposes to their stated aims and values. The stalling of SSR reflects the 'successful' resistance of the security forces against oversight and accountability by instrumentalizing the deterioration of security and alleged rise of violent extremist threats. Against the backdrop of vocal calls for prioritizing security, the approach followed by foreign actors has thus far barely acknowledged that struggle, thereby unintentionally supporting the increasing autonomy of the security forces. Using the concept of military autonomy, the paper highlights the fact that in the current approach to reform, security risks to take precedence over the political.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.959760",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Tunisia",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["KELIN",2012,"Post Training Assessment Report",null,null,"Nairobi","KELIN",null,null,null,"The overall purpose of the assignment was to review the outcome of the capacity building workshops targeting elders, widows and child beneficiaries that were conducted between April and May 2012; and assess the status of implementing the agreed action plans. The review was conducted between August 21 and 23 2012 through desk review, field visits and interviews with the project beneficiaries and partners.","http://namati.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Post-Training-Assessment-Report.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Kets, Evert and de Vries, Hugo",2014,"Limits to Supporting Security Sector Interventions in the DRC",null,null,"Pretoria","Institute for Security Studies",null,null,null,"Since 2003, the international community has invested considerable resources in keeping the peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Many interventions were focused on supporting security sector reform (SSR) and on the stabilisation of the volatile 'militia belt' in the eastern DRC, but these only achieved limited impact and the security context remains volatile. To explain why international efforts did not bring about the expected changes, the authors examine issues such as the peculiar relationship between the armed forces and local communities, and the neopatrimonial incentives of the Congolese elite. A largely technical approach that ignored the bigger political picture underscores the failure to fundamentally change the DRC's security context. The defeat of the M23 rebellion in 2013 was a rare success, but it now threatens to take away the necessary pressure for meaningful reform.","http://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Paper257.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Kirk, Tom",2014,"Legal Aid Lawyers and Paralegals: Promoting Access to Justice and Negotiating Hybridity in Timor Leste",null,null,"London","The Justice and Security Research Programme/London School of Economics",null,null,null,"This paper engages with current debates on rule of law approaches to justice provision in fragile and conflict-affected situations. The author presents the results of two months of research in Timor Leste on the role of paralegals (PLs) and legal aid lawyers (LALs). By examining their handling of three case types - land disputes, paternity claims and domestic violence - the author argues that these actors use their local knowledge and training to negotiate Timor-Leste‚Äôs emerging justice system. In doing so, they help marginalised community members to realise their rights, challenge local power imbalances and mitigate obstacles to access to justice. Indeed, since they draw upon knowledge of both local norms and the state, PLs and LALs are uniquely placed to understand the needs of their clients. However, there remain many areas in which they require further training, assistance and support in order to improve and institutionalise their role. Such moves may help the state to increase its presence at the sub-district level, deliver on its constitutional commitments and embed its institutions within popular understandings of authority and justice, goals that are vital to ongoing state-building efforts.","http://www.lse.ac.uk/internationalDevelopment/research/JSRP/downloads/JSRP-Paper-14.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Kohl, Christoph",2014,"The Reform of Guinea-Bissau's Security Sector: between demand and practice",null,null,"Frankfurt","Peace Research Institute",null,null,null,"The present report addresses the issue of security sector reform in the small West African state of Guinea-Bissau. Since gaining independence in the 1970s, Guinea-Bissau has been characterized by political instability, coups d’etat, overthrow attempts and the interference of military factions within politics. Following a brief civil war in 1998-99, the International Community placed the blame for political instability, lawlessness and lacking social and economic development on the Bissau-Guinean security sector. Furthermore, the country turned into an international problem case at the start of the new century due to its role as both a hub for drug trafficking and a transit and sending country for irregular migrants destined for Europe. International donor nations have held the hope that security sector reforms would contribute to stabilizing the country nationally and sub-regionally along with fostering the rule of law and peaceful socio-economic development. Numerous attempts at implementing security sector reform since 2005 have either failed or not achieved their desired results. Some measures have even had the effect of aggravating the troubled political situation in the country further. A coup carried out in April 2012 ultimately led to the suspension of a large portion of on-going projects run by the International Community – only to be lifted after a new, democratically legitimized government was sworn in July 2014.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/73329/1247623/file/prif126%20The%20Reform%20of%20GB%20Security%20Sector_Kohl.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Guinea Bissau",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Kokke, Margot and Vuskovic, Pedro",2010,"Legal empowerment of the poor in Nicaragua",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"In Nicaragua – one of the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere - a new type of intervention has been developed to facilitate access to justice for the rural poor.Facilitadores Judiciales are volunteers, selected by the community, who assist judges and other legal authorities in effecting the rule of law in their area. One of their tasks is to facilitate mediations. They work under the supervision of the local judge. This intervention offers a new way to integrate informal alternative dispute resolution operated by representatives of the local communities with the formal justice sector. In this way, it brings the rule of law much closer to the homes of the Nicaraguans. Another remarkable aspect is that the facilitators work on a voluntary basis, so the intervention is low cost, making it scalable and much more affordable for developing countries than other access to justice interventions such as subsidised legal aid and extra funding for state courts. The “Programa de Facilitadores Judiciales” now covers all rural communities in Nicaragua, is being extended to urban areas, and has been introduced in Paraguay (2008) and Panama (2009). This paper explains the intervention and the program supporting it, reports the available data about impact, and explains how this intervention fits in with current theory about access to justice and dispute system design. It concludes with listing its possible strengths and weaknesses.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1674020_code1383538.pdf?abstractid=1674020&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nicaragua",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Kolisetty, Akhila",2014,"Examining the Effectiveness of Legal Empowerment as a Pathway out of Poverty: A Case Study of BRAC",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"This piece examines the current status of justice and dispute-resolution mechanisms in Bangladesh, ranging from the formal justice system to the traditional shalish (a form of dispute resolution), and focuses on the costs and benefits of utilizing nongovernmental organization (NGO)-led legal services programs as an alternative form of justice delivery and dispute resolution for the poor, with a focus on women and girls. In particular, this paper takes a closer look at a the Human Rights and Legal Aid Services (HRLS) program of BRAC, a leading NGO that works to empower the poorest and most vulnerable in Bangladesh and eleven other countries across the world. HRLS provides a combination of BRAC-led shalish, human rights communitybased education, community mobilization through a corps of community-based outreach workers (known as shebikas), and recourse to the courts via a network of panel lawyers if needed. This paper will examine the successes of this model in rural Bangladesh as well as the challenges it faces in making an impact on solving the justice problems of the poor and contributing to gender equity. Ultimately, it aims to present a case study that illustrates the strengths and challenges of a legal empowerment model that is quickly gaining traction around the world.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2014/02/12/000442464_20140212115359/Rendered/PDF/846620NWP0Web00y0Box382143B00PUBLC0.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Kondeh, Al-Hassan Kharamoh",2008,"Formulating Sierra Leone's Defence White Paper Process",null,null,"Birmingham","University of Birmingham/Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform",null,null,null,"This paper outlines the process of producing Sierra Leone's 2002 defence white paper. Unique to this process was the document's explicit aim of explaining to the general public both the progress and the shortcomings of security sector reform (SSR) in Sierra Leone's defence system. The white paper was produced on the assumption that without making this information publicly available, opportunities to engage ordinary people in future reform initiatives would be limited. The paper also describes some of the challenges faced in the white paper's production, including those from military counterparts in the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF) and from international military and civilian advisers.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/13202/140605/file/working%20paper%206.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Krishnaswamy, Sudhir, et al.",2014,"Legal and Judicial Reform in India: A Call for Systemic and Empirical Approaches",null,"Journal of National Law University","New Delhi","National Law University, Delhi",2,null,"2025-01-01","Judicial delays and high pendency is a serious problem that has rule of law andfundamental rights implications. Law and judicial reform in India aimed at reducing judicial delays and pendency have met with limited success since they have been almost solely focused on increasing the number of courts and such other supplydriven mechanisms without ascertaining the causes of delay. This paper argues for re-orienting law andjudicial reform by engaging in empirical methods. In so arguing, this paper also exposes the difficulties in using empirical methods in India owing to the unavailability of crucial data. It also suggests some nonconventional solutions for more effective and efficient civil and criminaljustice systems.","http://www.nludelhi.ac.in/download/publication/2015/Journal%20of%20National%20Law%20University%20Delhi%20Vol.2%202014%20(Complete%20Journal).pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Kristoff, Madeline",2012,"Policing in Palestine: analyzing the EU police reform mission in the West Bank",null,null,"Ontario","The Centre for International Governance Innovation",null,null,null,"International efforts for security sector reform (SSR) and state building more broadly, have faced major challenges in the Palestinian Territories. Donor countries struggled to overcome an unwillingness at home to use aid funding for police reform purposes, while managing Israeli obstructionism and security concerns, rivalries between Palestinian police generals and a lack of Palestinian preparedness for the technical and practical aspects of police reform. In this context, the European Union Coordinating Office for Palestinian Police Support (EU COPPS) was established in 2005 as an EU Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) mission; the European Union Police Coordinating Office for Palestinian Police Support (EUPOL COPPS), the followup EU police mission, began in 2006. The role of EUPOL COPPS was to provide support to the Palestinian Civil Police (PCP) for immediate operational priorities and longer-term transformational change. As efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan have taught the international community, police reform is not as easy as the train-and-equip standard. Especially in postconflict environments, rebuilding the police should take into account the communities’ needs in order to build legitimacy for the institutions of government. This paper seeks to fill the gap of evaluation in the field of police reform efforts by answering the following questions: How should international actors think about police reform efforts in a subordinate, non-juridical and only partially empirical state, and what role do the monitoring and evaluation of police reform efforts play?","https://www.cigionline.org/sites/default/files/ssr_issue_no7.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Palestine",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Kupatadze, Alexander",2013,"Police Reform in Georgia",null,"Caucasus Social Science Review","Tbilisi","Centre for Social Sciences",1,1,null,"This paper analyses the trajectory of post-revolutionary transition in the criminal justice system and the way in which the rule of law has been undermined for the sake of building a strong state. I discuss the achievements and shortcomings of Georgian police reform and argue that the reforms have mainly targeted ‘low policing’ in order to meet the key concerns of the citizenry while ‘high policing’ remained above the law and a crucial safeguard for the ruling regime. Importantly there are many questions whether the larger goals of policing understood broadly such as normative compliance, cultural change and citizen acceptance of police authority are accomplished and whether the policies in place are appropriate for the achievement of these goals.","http://css.ge/files/books/papers/Aleko_kupatadze,_police_reform_in_Georgia,_Sept_2012.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Georgia",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Kyed, Helene Maria",2009,"Community policing in post-war Mozambique",null,"Policing & Society",null,null,19,4,"354-371","Central to the post-conflict democratic transition in Mozambique, there have been attempts to reform the national police in accordance with the rule of law and human rights. From 2000, failures to democratise the police during the 1990s led to the introduction of community policing, which, it was promised, could engender ‘a new culture of security’ of police community partnerships, citizen inclusion and accountable state policing. This article explores how state-initiated community policing was implemented in a rural former war-zone. Based on ethnographic fieldwork it asks what local versions of community policing means for everyday policing practices and where this is taking police citizen relations. It shows that community policing was principally used by the local police to expand state police outreach and reassert sovereign authority by outsourcing extra-legal tasks to young men. The result is reconfigured forms of physical and symbolic police violence, which reproduce significant elements of past paramilitary policing cultures.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460903375190",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mozambique",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["Kyed, Helene Maria",2009,"The Politics of Legal Pluralism: State Policies on Legal Pluralism and Their Local Dynamics in Mozambique",null,"Journal of Legal Pluralism & Unofficial Law",null,null,41,59,"87-120","This article explores the consequences of legal pluralism as a 'policy concept', using the example of post-war Mozambique, where legal pluralism has gained constitutional recognition since 2004. It engages in a discussion of what I term 'the politics of legal pluralism'. This 'politics' denotes the, often covert, political interests behind legal pluralism policies and the political implications of how such policies are put into effect. Despite official discourse, I argue, legal pluralism as a 'policy field' seldom implies only a simple or benign recognition of the empirical manifestations of socio-cultural diversity. It also implies a framework for state intervention, regulation and reform, and so has political implications.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2009.10756631",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mozambique",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Kyed, Helene Maria",2010,"The contested role of community policing: 'New' non-state actors in the plural legal landscape of Mozambique",null,null,"Copenhagen","Danish Institute for International Studies",null,83.768055559999993,null,"Since 2001, community policing has been promoted in Mozambique by creating community policing councils that build partnerships between citizens and the state police. The aim is not only to bring down crime levels, but also to reduce human rights abuses in police work and to make the state police more accountable to the public. The question is whether these globally-supported aims hold water in practice. The present DIIS Working Paper (see box) takes a cautious view and argues for a careful assessment of how community policing is actually appropriated in practice in different contexts.","http://subweb.diis.dk/graphics/Publications/WP2010/WP2010-26-hmk-Community-policing-Mozambique.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mozambique",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x"]
["LaRose, Anthony P and Maddan, Sean A",2009,"Reforming La Policía: looking to the future of policing in Mexico",null,"Police Practice and Research: An International Journal",null,null,10,4,"333-348","Historically, policing in Mexico has been known more for its rampant corruption than crime fighting or public service. However, recent decades have seen not only a marked rise in crime, but a boom in substantive reform efforts. This study examines the historical development of law enforcement reform in Mexico with an emphasis on the last decade which has produced the most revolutionary changes in policing practices in Mexico. Not only does this discussion include the last decade of substantive reforms and subsequent outcomes, but also explores an overview of the current Mexican president’s law enforcement reform initiatives, and potential reforms based on US attempts. This research then focuses on survey responses and direct interviews of criminological experts on law enforcement in Mexico and their predictions on the future of police reforms, with a focus on policing in Mexico City. The interviews focused on the reform initiatives by Mexico’s two most recent presidents and predictions of their likely success. These experts see success of current reforms as very unlikely. Policy implications are also discussed.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260802586327",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Lederach, John Paul and Thapa, Preeti",2012,"Staying true in Nepal: understanding community mediation through action research",null,null,"San Francisco","The Asia Foundation",null,null,null,"This paper explores the use of participatory action research as a method to deepen the practice of mediation at the village level in rural Nepal. Mediation, initially introduced with a strong Western orientation, has evolved through practice and the response to daily conflict during and after the civil war. At its inception, the program was framed as an “access to justice” initiative. The modalities and decisions by which the mediation centers were established in local communities, and the actual practice of mediators, suggested significant variance from the way both trainers and mediators described their work, and were seen as contributing to wider social transformation in ways that went beyond access to the legal system. Conducted with district and village-level mediators and trainers, the research yielded important insights into how and why mediation practices were effective, and led to significant changes in training materials and approach. Discussion of how participatory action research affected the participants concludes the chapter.","https://asiafoundation.org/resources/pdfs/OccasionalPaperNo10CommunityMediationNepal.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Nepal",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Lefévre, Mathieu",2010,"Local Defence in Afghanistan: A Review of Government-backed Initiatives",null,null,"Kabul","Afghanistan Analysts Network",null,null,23,"Have government-backed initiatives supporting informal armed groups improved security in Afghanistan? This report analyses the Afghanistan National Auxiliary Police (ANAP), the Afghan Public Protection Programme (AP3), and the Local Defence Initiative (LDI). These entail support to informal armed groups to provide security, particularly in areas where the Taleban is gaining ground. However, lessons from the earlier ANAP programme were not learned, and AP3 and LDI have reproduced its shortcomings.","http://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/10/20100525MLefevre-LDIpaper.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Lemay-Hébert, Nicolas",2009,"UNPOL and police reform in Timor-Leste: accomplishments and setbacks",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,16,3,"393-406","Following the 2006 gang violence in Timor-Leste amid dissension between the two main security institutions in the country, the Timor-Leste Defence Force (F–FDTL) and the National Police of Timor-Leste (PNTL), the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1704, establishing a UN multidimensional, integrated mission, including UN police with an executive policing mandate, to ensure the restoration and maintenance of public security. With the mission winding down in 2009, this article offers an early assessment of its accomplishments and setbacks in the realm of security and public order, emphasizing the UNPOL leg of the mission. If the mission succeeded in restoring a modicum of security in Timor-Leste, it fell short of effectively assisting the PNTL reform process, implying that another security crisis erupting in the country cannot be ruled out.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310903036442",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Leonardi, Cherry, et al.",2011,"The politics of customary law ascertainment in South Sudan",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"111-142","This article analyzes the GoSS-UNDP strategy of customary law ascertainment and argues that it was driven by multiple political agendas more than by the needs of litigants at a local level. It is based on a more extensive report analyzing original field research conducted from November 2009 to January 2010 by a team of consultants for a joint project of the Rift Valley Institute and the United States Institute of Peace, in three locations in Southern Sudan: Aweil East, Wau and Kajokeji (Leonardi et al. 2010). Our point of departure was not ideal end-states, but rather empirical research aimed at understanding and contextualizing current practices and perceptions of justice.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2011.10756659",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Lokuji, Alfred Sebit, et al.",2009,"Police Reform in Southern Sudan",null,null,"Ottawa","North-South Institute and Centre for Peace and Development Studies",null,null,null,"This Working Paper shares the findings and considers the policy implications of the first evidence-based survey of community perceptions on policing in Southern Sudan. The survey data provide a snapshot of security issues across the still fragile social and political landscape of Southern Sudan. It is also a useful baseline for policy debates on police reform and for practical efforts to promote a more community-friendly approach to policing in Southern Sudan","http://www.operationspaix.net/DATA/DOCUMENT/5133~v~Police_Reform_in_Southern_Sudan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"X",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Low, Sally",2015,"Evaluation of the \"Providing Access to Justice - Legal Awareness at the Grassroots Level\" Project Timor Leste",null,null,"Brussels","Avocats Sans Frontières",null,null,null,"The Grassroots Justice Project has succeeded in developing a network of community leaders who are well equipped to provide basic paralegal services that are highly relevant to their communities. The particular model used is well suited to the Timor Leste context. The project has also delivered an intensive programme of community level legal and human rights education. Taken together, the two project components have made a significant contribution to improved access to justice for members of the target communities.","http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTJUSFORPOOR/Resources/EvaluationLegalAwarenessGrassrootsLevel.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Lubkemann, Stephen, et al.",2011,"Neither State Nor Custom - Just Naked Power: The Consequences of Ideals-Oriented Rule of Law Policy-Making in Liberia",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"73-109","In this article we provide an empirically grounded critique of the internationally-driven ‘Rule of Law’ policy approach in post-conflict Liberia by highlighting the consequences of policy-makers difficulties in coming to terms with the realities of legal pluralism. Informed by a ‘progressive’ intent to establish a single formal justice system for all Liberians, this approach has promoted policies that ignore or seek to constrain customary justice institutions because they are seen as violating human rights and falling short of international justice standards - even though they are preferred by most of the population. These efforts also involve a top-down approach to reconstituting and reforming the formal legal system that, to date, has largely neglected capacity-building at the local level while emphasizing narrow technical remedies (such as legislation revision) that fail to account for social, economic, and political realities. This approach has undermined the customary justice systems without improving the capacity or performance of the formal justice system - resulting in a growing ‘justice vacuum’. For most Liberians the quest to obtain justice in this ‘vacuum’ has increasingly become little more than an effort to secure advantage over opponents through the mobilization of social networks, by exercising political and/or economic power, or through other extra-judicial means. In this context ‘customary and ‘state/formal’ justice institutions are not approached by most Liberians as distinct avenues for seeking justice but rather as poles in a single power topography. This topography includes a wide array of other actors and institutions that are not a part of either the formal or the customary justice systems but who are often appealed to and frequently affect justice outcomes. In conclusion we consider several political effects of the constraint of customary justice and the broader implications of dismissing pluralism for Liberia’s delicate post-conflict peace building and political development processes.","http://commission-on-legal-pluralism.com/volumes/63/lubkemannetal-art.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Lurås, Helge",2014,"Democratic Oversight in Fragile States: The Case of Intelligence Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"Intelligence and National Security",null,null,29,4,"600-618","In most transition countries the main aim of ‘democratizing intelligence’ is to weaken the authoritarian governmental structures by introducing more transparency, legality and oversight. In Bosnia and Herzegovina however, the state-building efforts driven by international parties combined formal democratization processes such as independent oversight with the strengthening and operational capacity building of previously weak-to-non-existent intelligence structures. In parallel with the descent into war when Yugoslavia collapsed in the early 1990s, the State Security Service (SDB) in the Republic of Bosnia had split into three ethnically-based outfits answering to the political and military leaders of war. ‘Democratization’ of intelligence in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the establishment of a unified, state-level Intelligence and Security Agency (OSA) in 2004 has followed its own unique path reflecting the fragmented nature of politics in Bosnia and the leading role of international organizations in proposing and effectuating institutional reforms. Nevertheless, in terms of habits, operational methods and values many Bosnian intelligence officers went through similar adaptations and transitions as their colleagues in countries where institutions at the time of democratic transition were too strong and authoritarian rather than, as in the case of Bosnia, being deemed too weak and ineffectual.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2014.915179",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["MacDonald, Rosita",2008,"Safety, security, and accessible justice: Participatory approaches to law and justice reform in Papua New Guinea",null,null,null,"East-West Center",null,null,null,"Rosita MacDonald examines the challenges facing the law and justice reform partnership between Australia and its former colony Papua New Guinea (PNG). Serious safety and security issues confront PNG, with the incidence of violent crime increasing and the capacity of the law enforcement, court, and prison systems to deal with offenders deteriorating. MacDonald acknowledges the challenge of implementing institutional reforms appropriate to the PNG cultural and political context, and highlights the fact that measurable and sustainable reforms within the law and justice sector have failed to occur despite a substantial investment of resources from both governments. Law and justice policy in PNG should shift, she says, from the official rhetoric supporting traditional and community-led approaches to a greater investment by the PNG and Australian leadership to restorative justice approaches, the village court system, and under-utilized community organizations.","http://www.eastwestcenter.org/system/tdf/private/pip003.pdf?file=1&type=node&id=32263",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Papua New Guinea",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Macphee, Paula-Louise and Fitz-Gerald, Ann",2014,"Multiplying a force for good? The impact of security sector management postgraduate education in Ethiopia",null,"Journal of Peace Education",null,null,11,2,"208-224","This paper argues for the importance, benefits and wider impact of a donor-funded, locally supported postgraduate programme in security sector management (SSM) for government officials in Ethiopia. With the exception of specialised education and training programmes within the field of peace and con- flict studies, the role of education in conflict-affected and developing countries has been examined predominantly in the context of primary education. Questions remain concerning the extent to which institutional leaders of post-conflict countries have access to the necessary skill-sets and levels of knowledge required to support the advancement of systems of governance, helping enable these countries to achieve the development goals set out by both internal and external actors. This paper examines the situation on the ground in Ethiopia which drove the demand for a Cranfield University MSc programme in SSM. The paper also outlines the process and implementation requirements which shaped the export of the postgraduate programme to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The paper concludes by sharing the impact analysis of an independent review of the programme and outlines recommendations and areas for further research.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2014.898625",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Ethiopia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Malan, Mark",2008,"Security Sector Reform in Liberia: Mixed results from humble beginnings",null,null,"Carlisle, PA","Strategic Studies Institute",null,null,null,"The author presents an explanatory overview and analysis of progress made with the process of security sector reform in Liberia--with particular reference to the armed forces and the police. The author begins with a concise review of what the theory of SSR and its application in the Liberian context and follows with a description of Liberia’s post-war security architecture and the urgent need for a comprehensive and sustained process of reform. An overview of the legal and conceptual framework for engaging in SSR in Liberia is provided as further backdrop to substantive sections dealing with the reform (or re-building) of the Armed Forces of Liberia and the Liberia National Police. The author concludes with a critical analysis of the SSR process and recommendations for further action.","http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/download.cfm?q=855",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Malan, Mark",2009,"Security-Sector Reform in Liberia","Besada, Hany","From Civil Strife to Peace Building: Examining Private Sector Involvement in West African Reconstruction","Ontario","The Centre for International Governance Innovation",null,null,"209-230","This chapter highlights the need for concerted and sustained SSR in Liberia. An overview of the legal and conceptual framework for engaging in SSR in Liberia is provided as backdrop to a review of efforts to reform (or rebuild) the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) and the Liberia National Police.","https://www.cigionline.org/sites/default/files/from_civil_strife_to_peace_building.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Manjoo, Rashida and McRaith, Calleigh",2011,"Gender-based violence and justice in conflict and post-conflict areas",null,"Cornell International Law Journal",null,null,44,null,"1931-11-01","This Article aims to provide a brief overview of GBV in conflict and post-conflict settings, with a particular focus on recent international standard-setting developments and the continuing challenges of impunity and inadequate services for GBV victims.","http://www.lawschool.cornell.edu/research/ilj/upload/manjoo-mcraith-final.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Manning, Dan",2010,"Supporting stability and justice: a case study of NGO legal services in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina",null,null,"Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,null,"This article argues that a relatively small legal aid NGO – it had fewer than 50 staff throughout the country as of 2008 – the Association Vaša Prava BiH (“Your Rights”) is making a significant contribution to achieving stability and prosperity through its advocacy on behalf of poor and disenfranchised Bosnians. Vaša Prava’s work directly addresses the legacy of the war by dealing with problems with housing, income, health care and social services. It promotes individual human rights, helps to build a legal system that holds the Government to account and advocates for systemic changes to address real problems. It is helping to build an active civil society and a culture of rights. Perhaps most fundamentally, it is playing a vital role in making recovery-oriented legal reforms a reality for Bosnia’s disadvantaged, dispossessed and disenfranchised populations, thus helping to rebuild their lives and their country. Obviously Vaša Prava alone cannot determine the future for BiH, but without it the risk of failure would be greater.","http://mercury.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/138108/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/bd17e783-dcd2-45e3-82b1-2ff54ca97235/en/LEWP_Manning.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Manoharan, N.",2009,"Trojan Horses: Counter-terror Laws and Security in India",null,"Economic and Political Weekly",null,"Economic and Political Weekly",44,46,"20-24","The enactment of powerful nationwide anti-terrorism laws without sufficient safeguards to constrain misuse and ensure national uniformity in their application has led to human rights abuses and disparate patterns of enforcement throughout the country. The main objective of security laws should be to moderate political antagonisms rather than aiding the repressive arm of the state.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/25663783",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"India",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Manthri, Manu",2008,"Security Sector Financing and Fiscal Sustainability in Afghanistan",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"This paper takes an aid effectiveness approach to assess the financing model and finds that it falls short of good practice. This assessment is of real concern: donors are perpetuating a high level of aid dependence; not setting strong incentives for institutional reforms; and generating fiscal risks for the state. The drivers of these fiscal sustainability and delivery problems are unpacked, analysed, and used to formulate policy prescriptions over the short and long term.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/888.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Marcelin, Louis Herns",2011,"Cooperation, Peace and (Re-) Construction? A Tale from the Shanties",null,"Journal of Peacebuilding & Development",null,null,6,3,"17-31","The catastrophic earthquake of January 2010 deepened the socio-cultural fault lines and disparities that define Haitian society. Even before, the needs of the population and the prioritisation of intervention were managed by international actors. As a result of societal fragilities and the ineffectiveness of the Haitian state in shoring up community relations and basic services, a proliferation of NGOs has arisen in shanties to organise local groups around short-term programmes. Building on surveys and ethnographic research, this article analyses residentsí perceptions of such initiatives to foster peace, reconstruction and development in one of Port-au-Princeís poorest and most violent neighbourhoods. Findings suggest that residents remain sceptical about the peace and development impacts of the proliferation of scattered, foreign-driven and unsustainable interventions in CitÈ Soleil.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2011.552244827861",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Marroushi, Nadine",2015,"Violence against women in Egypt: Prospects for improving police response - View resource",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"During celebrations for Abdel Fattah el-Sisiâ€™s victory in the presidential race in June 2014, at least nine women were violently sexually assaulted by mobs of men in Cairoâ€™s Tahrir Square. Shortly after, Sisi made a statement in which he instructed the minister of interior to â€œvigorously enforce the law and take all necessary measures to combat sexual harassmentâ€\u009d. Within days of the presidentâ€™s statement, the Ministry of Interior (MOI) announced plans to expand nationally the Violence Against Women (VAW) Unit that had been established in the Ministry in mid-2013. This paper discusses the context and the political events that led to the establishment of the VAW unit, the unitâ€™s work since 2013 and the key challenges it faces, and the deeper institutional changes that are needed. The paper concludes with recommendations to the MOI for ways to improve Egyptâ€™s policing response to violence against women. Key recommendations include committing to ongoing high-level government support to the VAW unit; ensuring all police officers are trained to deal appropriately with VAW cases; increasing the representation of women in the police force; and adopting a wider set of reforms to ensure accountability and democratic governance in the security sector.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/violence-against-women-in-egypt.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Egypt",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Maru, Vivek",2010,"Access to justice and legal empowerment: a review of World Bank practice",null,"Justice and Development Working Paper Series","Washington D.C.","The World Bank",null,null,null,"This paper reviews the World Bank’s existing work in access to justice and suggests directions for further Bank engagement in this area. Access to justice efforts are grouped here into six categories: court reforms, legal aid, information dissemination and education, alternative dispute resolution, public sector accountability, and research. The paper is motivated in part by recent discussions of “legal empowerment;” a thread of inquiry that runs through the review is: how do World Bank efforts to increase access to justice affect the agency of poor people? The paper concludes with insights and recommendations that emerge from the Bank’s experience. All justice reform interventions should attend to particularities of sociolegal context, should consider the specific justice needs of poor people, and should be planned not in isolation, but from a systemwide perspective. Legal services and legal aid interventions should confront the challenge of scale, should consider alternative methods of service delivery, and should in some cases take care to maintain at least partial independence from the state. The use of noncourt dispute resolution mechanisms should be guided by the benefits achieved in cost, time, harmony, and fairness. Evaluations of access to justice programs should go beyond “head counts” to demonstrate impact—on users of justice services as well as on society at large—and to weigh opportunity cost.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/18102/518430NWP0Acce10Box342050B01PUBLIC1.pdf?sequence=1",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Matei, Florina Cristiana",2009,"The challenges of intelligence sharing in Romania",null,"Intelligence and National Security",null,null,24,4,"574-585","The twenty-first century’s security environment has triggered a phenomenon of ‘proliferation’ of intelligence and security cooperation, both domestically and internationally. After the ousting of the communist regime (whose intelligence system served the regime) in 1989, Romania embarked upon democratic reform of its new intelligence system (including strengthening cooperation), to better tackle the current security challenges. This has been a rather onerous process, yet worthwhile: Romania’s intelligence is presently cooperating well with national and international partners, to counter national, regional, and global security threats. This paper assesses Romania’s efforts in developing intelligence cooperation, after the demise of the communist regime.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520903069504",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Matei, Florina Cristiana",2014,"Balancing Democratic Civilian Control with Effectiveness of Intelligence in Romania: Lessons Learned and Best/Worst Practices Before and After NATO and EU Integration",null,"Intelligence and National Security",null,null,29,4,"619-637","This article reviews Romania’s intelligence reform after 1989. Specifically, it looks at intelligence reform before and after Romania’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2004, and the European Union (EU) in 2007. It finds that Romania has made considerable progress in intelligence reform. That is because Romania, which expressed its desire and commitment to join NATO/EU after 1989, has worked hard to comply with these organizations’ membership demands (including intelligence reform). After NATO/EU integration (when demands on balancing control and effectiveness virtually vanished), despite continued openness efforts made by agencies, control/oversight diluted. Thus, post-NATO/EU, while effectiveness is being strengthened, democratic control lessens.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2014.915180",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Mattes, Hanspeter",2009,"Morocco: Reforms in the Security Sector But No 'SSR'","Born, Hans and Schnabel, Albrecht","Security Sector Reform in Challenging Environments","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"143-163","In Morocco a comprehensive and programmatic reform of the security sector is difficult to achieve because it is hampered by the nature of the political system and four other factors: the spread of corruption within the justice system and in the security organs; the involvement of members of the civilian and military security organs in criminal activities; the fact that government officials in prisons and members of the security institutions still use violence and torture, although NGOs (non-governmental organisations) confirm these are isolated cases; and the security provisions and surveillance in the war against terrorism or to prevent terrorist attacks. Nevertheless, the formal legal status of each Moroccan citizen has steadily improved since the 1990s and a trend towards conforming to international legal norms can be observed. In 1999 King Mohammed introduced a guideline to alter the relationship between the state and the population, with his ‘new concept of authority’. In this context reforms concerning the security sector were introduced. Although Morocco is not actually pursuing a security sector reform concept as defined by the United Nations (UN) or the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) DAC Handbook, the measures taken might lead to structural changes in the political system in the long run which would affect normative aspects of the security sector. After a short overview of the above-mentioned ‘new concept of authority’, the chapter concentrates on the limited measures of Moroccan security sector reform, the effects of the king’s ‘new concept of authority’ on the organs and facilities of the security sector and details of the reform agenda, before giving an assessment of the state’s measures and, finally, reflecting on the prospects for further reforms in the Moroccan security sector.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36929/529075/file/Ch06_Morocco_13Oct%20(2).pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Morocco",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["McDougall, Derek",2012,"The Failure of Security Sector Reform to Advance Development Objectives in East Timor and the Solomon Islands","Schnabel, Albrecht and Farr, Vanessa","Back to the Roots: Security Sector Reform and Development","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"171-197","This chapter focuses on security sector reform (SSR) in East Timor and the Solomon Islands with a view to determining how such reform affects development in these countries. Since the 1990s SSR has become a significant issue in many developing countries, particularly in post-conflict situations. It is important to assess SSR not just in terms of changes occurring in the security sector, but also from the perspective of the impact on the wider society. It is possible to conduct such an assessment at a global or regional level, but also in relation to particular situations where SSR has taken place. Here the focus is on East Timor and the Solomon Islands as two post-conflict situations where SSR has been relevant. The aim is to assess the extent to which SSR has occurred in each situation, showing in turn how such change and the limitations associated with change have affected development.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/64131/974842/file/YBch6_McDougall.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","Timor Leste; Solomon Islands",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["McQuoid-Mason, David",2013,"Access to justice in South Africa: are there enough lawyers?",null,"Oñati Socio-legal Series",null,null,3,3,null,"This paper addresses head on the contention by a prominent legal practitioner in South Africa that there are too many lawyers in the country. It does not canvass the complex issues involved in determining the meaning of access to justice or the relationship between law and society in the context of legal services, and deals with access to justice in the narrow sense of the delivery of legal services in South Africa. The paper analyses the evidence presented to substantiate the contention that there are too many lawyers against the socio-economic environment in South Africa and the requirements of the Constitution. It recognizes that the country has only a minority of people who can afford lawyers and compares the ratio of lawyers to people in this category with the ratio in other developed countries. It also recognizes that large numbers of people who cannot afford lawyers may need them and that such people will have to rely largely on the state-funded national legal aid body, Legal Aid South Africa and other mechanisms. The paper discusses the different modes of delivery of legal aid services by Legal Aid South Africa, as well as those provided by the legal profession pro bono, public interest law firms and mechanisms that compliment or are alternatives to lawyers, in the light of the number of practicing lawyers in the country. An analysis is made to determine if there are enough lawyers to provide the necessary legal services required by the Constitution in criminal matters, and for civil matters in general for those who can and cannot afford lawyers. The paper concludes that there are not enough lawyers in the country at present to provide access to justice in the narrow sense, and suggests how this shortage can be overcome by using mechanisms that provide alternatives to lawyers.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID2272640_code1485531.pdf?abstractid=2272640&mirid=1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Mehler, Andreas",2010,"Why security forces do not deliver security: evidence from Liberia and the Central African Republic",null,"Armed Forces & Society",null,null,38,1,"49-69","Little attention has been paid to the factual contribution of the state’s security forces to the physical security of African citizens. Reports about security forces adding to a widespread insecurity are frequent: the protectors become violators, and their appearance causes fear, not security. In many African crisis countries the realization of better security forces appears to be an elusive goal, either because violent conflicts are not definitively settled and therefore do not allow for decent reform or because a lack of capacity as a result of material constraints is not easy to remedy. Above all, the political will of governments to reform their security forces, including their composition and structure, is often limited. This contribution compares the security provision by official forces in Liberia and the Central African Republic, two extreme cases of strong and weak international involvement, respectively, in postconflict security-sector reform. Blueprint models for such reforms that do not take into account local expectations and experiences are bound to fail.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x10390468",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Central African Republic; Liberia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Memeti, Ardit",2014,"Rule of Law through judicial Reform: A Key to the EU Accession of the Western Balkans",null,"Contemporary Southeastern Europe",null,null,1,1,"58-67","This paper focuses on the importance of judiciary reform as a key segment of rule of law enforcement for the EU accession of Western Balkan countries as a process mainly driven by EU assistance. The Western Balkan (WB) countries, namely Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are considered 'potential candidates' for European Union (EU) membership. In the EU accession process of these countries, strengthening the rule of law is considered to be of vital importance. Although the concept of the rule of law is much broader, when it comes to the rule of law requirement, judiciary reform represents the most significant component for reform in the EU accession of Western Balkan countries. Judiciary reform is so crucial to the rule of law reform that it is at times interchangeably used as having the same meaning. This is not a result of the lack of knowledge and ability to make the distinction between the two, but due to the practical importance that the judiciary plays in the rule of law. Due to the limited resources of the Western Balkan countries as well as due to the significance of the assistance, judiciary reform has primarily been driven by EU Assistance.","http://www.suedosteuropa.uni-graz.at/cse/sites/default/files/papers/Memeti_Rule_of_Law_0.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Albania; Bosnia; Kosovo; Macedonia; Montenegro and Serbia",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Mendee, Jargalsaikhan and Tuvshintugs, Adiya",2013,"Consolidating Democracy: The Reform of Mongolian Intelligence",null,"International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence",null,null,26,2,"241-259",null,"http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2013.757995",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mongolia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Mendelski, Martin",2010,"Where does the European Union make a difference? Rule of law development in South-Eastern Europe",null,"Rule of Law development in South-Eastern Europe",null,null,null,null,null,"This paper reveals the impact of EU conditionality on rule of law development in six countries from South Eastern Europe: two EU membership countries (Bulgaria, Romania), two EU candidate countries (Serbia, Albania) and two neighborhood countries (Moldova, Ukraine). By distinguishing between two dimensions of rule of law, the comparative and indicator-based analysis yields one key finding. While EU-driven judicial reforms lead in most countries to considerable progress in the efficiency-related dimension (judicial capacity) their impact on the power-related dimension (judicial impartiality) was only weak. In the aggregate, such a development of change within persistence did not translate in an overall improvement of rule of law.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1776186_code509028.pdf?abstractid=1644729&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"Bulgaria; Romania; Serbia; Albania; Moldova; Ukraine",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Mendelski, Martin",2011,"Rule of Law Reforms in the Shadow of Clientelism: The Limits of the EU's Transformative Power in Romania",null,"Polish Sociological Review",null,"Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne (Polish Sociological Association)",null,174,"235-253","This study examines the role of the European Union (EU) and domestic actors in the development of the rule of law (judicial quality) in Romania between 2000 and 2009. This study offers an empirical analysis of rule of law development across two key dimensions (1. judicial capacity, 2. judicial impartiality). The findings of the study show that, while the reform actions of domestic change agents and the EU led to improvement on the judicial capacity dimension of the rule of law (efficiency-related aspects), there was considerable persistence on the judicial impartiality dimension (power-related aspects). The limited transformative power of the EU is explained by the strong resistance of clientelistic veto players, who captured the reform process and undermined the creation of de facto rule of law.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/41275202",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Mendelski, Martin",2012,"EU-driven judicial reforms in Romania: a success story?",null,"East European Politics",null,null,28,1,"23-42","This article examines the impact of the European Union (EU) and domestic actors on the development of judicial quality (rule of law) across two key dimensions: judicial capacity and judicial impartiality. It argues and shows empirically that although the EU has been crucial in eliciting change in the judicial capacity dimension, it was largely unsuccessful in changing aspects of the judicial impartiality dimension. The author concludes that the EU’s involvement in Romania through accession conditionality has been of limited success: that is, the EU had a considerable impact on improving de jure judicial quality, but it was unable to affect rule implementation and thus failed to create de facto judicial quality. Methodologically, this article makes use of a detailed case-study method with processtracing. Data are drawn from a number of primary and secondary sources such as official governmental documents, reports, surveys and scholarly literature relevant to the topic.","https://www.uni-trier.de/fileadmin/fb3/POL/Mitarbeiter/Mendelski__Martin/Mendelski_2012.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Merlingen, Michael",2009,"EUPM (Bosnia and Herzegovina) The EU Police Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (EUPM)","Grevi, Giovanni, et al.","European Security and Defence Policy: the first ten years","Paris","Institute for Security Studies",null,null,"161-172","The EU Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia was the first ESDP operation, and is still ongoing. This has made it both a trailblazer and a guinea pig. The mission can be credited with three main achievements. First, it demonstrated that the EU had succeeded in rendering the ESDP operational. Brussels could assemble a sizeable civilian mission, deploy it in the field and command and control it. Second, the EUPM has advanced the transformation of the Bosnian police from an instrument of ethnic warfare into a professional service. The process was initiated by the United Nations International Police Task Force (UN-IPTF, 1996-2002), which at its peak had about 2,000 international experts and enjoyed executive powers. Third, the EUPM has made significant headway in changing Bosnian policing mentalities, institutions and practices in line with European norms and standards. That said, law enforcement remains afflicted by some important shortcomings, and the obstacles that EUPM has confronted are illustrated below. Some of them have been successfully tackled. Others are such that they exceed the problem-solving capacity of the mission. These include the high politics of police restructuring and the fight against organised crime and corruption, which have manifold political, economic and cultural roots.","http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/ESDP_10-web.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Milton-Edwards, Beverley JP",2014,"Forgoing primacy: damaging democratic policing in the West Bank",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,null,null,null,"Since the Oslo Accords were signed between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993, the international community has supported civil policing programmes. It has done so as part of its development commitments to Palestinian state-building. Such programmes were, until the outbreak of the second Intifada in 2000, largely regarded as successful in terms of supporting the establishment of a Palestinian civil police (PCP). Such programmes were essentially Western imported models which loosely mixed community and public order policing approaches. With re-engagement in the Palestinian security sector (PSS) in the West Bank in 2007, the international community has once again sought to play a major role in PSS reform. This role includes supporting rehabilitation and retraining of the PCP as a principal institution of state-building. Such activities alongside the so-called transformation efforts within the wider realm of the PSS have re-established as their goal law and order. Within the transformation agenda, there are inherent demands with respect to Israel and the Palestinian National Authority’s security and counterterrorism agendas. This analysis examines these activities, and accompanying political intent to contend that such approaches are undermining principles of democratic policing including civil police primacy (CPP). CPP reinforces police universality and means supporting rule of law by putting security under governmental control with proper mechanisms of accountability. This article argues that support to the security sector in the West Bank has increasingly only paid lip service or sought to subvert normative approaches to democratic policing.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2014.922083",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Palestine",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Mobekk, Eirin",2008,"MINUSTAH and the Need for a Context-Specific Strategy: The Case of Haiti","H. Hänggi and V. Scherrer","Security Sector Reform and UN Integrated Missions: Experience from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, and Kosovo","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"This chapter discusses and assesses support for SSR in the integrated UN Stabilisation Mission in Haiti, which was established on 1 June 2004 by UN Security Council Resolution 1542 in response to the “existence of challenges to the political, social and economic stability of Haiti” which constituted “a threat to international peace and security in the region”. Security sector reform in Haiti consists of police, judicial and prison reform, as well as SSR-related activities such as Demobilisation, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR). Military reform is not relevant because since 1995 Haiti has not had any Armed Forces. Customs, border guards, coastguards and parliamentary reform have not been a focus of the UN mission in Haiti and hence will not be dealt with in this chapter.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36899/529015/file/Chapter_mobekk_haiti.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Mobekk, Eirin",2009,"Security sector reform and the UN mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Protecting civilians in the East",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,16,2,"273-286","The Democratic Republic of Congo has been plagued by continued conflict and violence in the East despite the official ending of the war. And civilians have borne the brunt of this conflict. Security sector reform (SSR) is a critical element in ensuring security, stability and sustainable peace. This article examines security sector reform conducted by the UN Mission in Congo, and also refers to other actors involved in the process, focusing primarily on the East where insecurity is prevalent due to the non-integrated Congolese forces, the Armed Forces of the DRC, other armed groups and foreign, mainly Rwandan, troops. It contends that SSR is vital to protect civilians and that thus far MONUC has not fulfilled its mandate of protection.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310802685844",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Moe, Louise W and Simojoki, Maria Vargas",2013,"Custom, contestation and co-operation: peace and justice promotion in Somaliland",null,"Conflict, Security & Development",null,null,13,4,"393-416","This article explores alternatives to prevailing state-centric and legalistic approaches to supporting local security and access to justice. It does so through a case study of an initiative developed by an international NGO in partnership with a group of traditional authorities in Somaliland. The initiative aimed at enhancing local security and access to justice, drawing on customary conflict resolution mechanisms and everyday strategies of self-securing. At the same time, the initiative was shaped by international input and liberal notions of human rights and human security. This approach entailed a renegotiation of both local ordering and international discourse. Drawing on our fieldwork, we examine the initiative as it has evolved since 2003, and discuss what it suggests in terms of prospects for international support to ‘non-state’ actors. In particular, the article draws attention to the potential of working with everyday local practices to enable social change rather than focusing narrowly on reforming legal systems (whether state or customary).","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2013.834115",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Somalia",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Mohr, LaKindra",2010,"Lessons Learned: An Analysis of Recent Rule-of-Law Reform Efforts in Haiti",null,"Journal of Haitian Studies",null,"Center for Black Studies Research",16,2,"148-159","This article begins with an overview of the situation in Haiti between 1994 and 2000, and reviews four of the major flaws of the rule-of-law reform efforts during this time. The next section discusses the return of significant rule-of-law activity during the second wave, which began after 2004 but has intensified since the election of President René Préval in 2006. This section also highlights some of the changes in current reform efforts that account for the four main failures of the first wave as well as frequent problems linked to rule-of-law reform activities. The third section responds to two possible \"fatal flaws\" that might be claimed by critics of the second wave reform efforts. Overall, this article argues that the current rule-oflaw reform wave in Haiti illustrates aprocess of learning, which represents a key step toward improving reforms and their outcomes, and addresses some of the common problems associated with rule-of-law reform activities","http://www.jstor.org/stable/41715418",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Moncada, Eduardo",2009,"Toward democratic policing in Colombia? Institutional accountability through lateral reform",null,"Comparative Politics",null,null,41,4,"431-449","This article examines Bogota's police reform from 1995 to 2006 under three mayors: Antanas Mockus (1995-1997 and 2001-2003), who implemented the lateral reform strategy; Enrique Penalosa (1998-2000); and Luis Eduardo \"Lucho\" Garzón (2004-2006). Mockus assumed office set on increasing citizen security by first enhancing citizens' capacity and willingness to support numerous reform efforts, including steps to rein in the largely autonomous Bogotá police. Between 1995 and 2006 the police was transformed from a poorly regarded state institution to one that enjoyed significant public trust. The two steps in Bogota's lateral reform process were the early dissemination of crime statistics to the public and the implementation of measures to strengthen police accountability to both the state and society. Police accountability to the state was strengthened through a revision of the police's code of conduct, while accountability to society was enhanced by outreach to specific populations long estranged from the police and, more broadly, through community policing. The focus on the political strategy of police reform proves an important complement to current perspectives on police accountability","http://www.jstor.org/stable/40599217",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Colombia",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Muehlmann, Thomas",2008,"Police restructuring in Bosnia-Herzegovina: problems of internationally-led security sector reform",null,"Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding",null,null,2,1,"2022-01-01","The police restructuring efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina driven by the international community, using in particular the leverage of European integration, attempted to achieve a reform that would transform a very fragmented police system into a de-politicized single structure and ended in the signing of a rather weak political agreement. The main reason why the process proved to be so difficult was that police restructuring touched upon the fundamentals of a delicate ethno-political power-sharing model in a post-conflict situation. But also, the approach chosen by the international community had serious deficiencies as the international community was far from speaking with one voice, thereby limiting its leverage.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970701810856",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Muggah, Robert",2010,"The effects of stabilisation on humanitarian action in Haiti",null,"Disasters",null,null,34,"s3","S444-S463","Haiti is routinely characterised as an archetypical fragile state. In spite of considerable donor investment in security promotion, real and perceived safety have proven frustratingly elusive. In the years before the devastating earthquake of 12 January 2010, the country’s capital, Portau-Prince, was also the site of considerable experimentation to promote security and stability. This paper reviews the discourse, practice and outcomes associated with three parallel stabilisation initiatives undertaken in Haiti between 2007 and 2009. Although they shared many similar objectives, the paper describes how these separate interventions mobilised very different approaches. The specific focus is on United States, United Nations and combined Brazilian, Canadian and Norwegian stabilisation efforts and their implications for humanitarian actors, including the International Committee of the Red Cross and Médecins Sans Frontières. The paper concludes with some reflections on the implications of stabilisation before and after the country’s most recent natural disaster.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.2010.01205.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Muigei, Nancy and Munene, Macharia",2013,"Security Sector Reform/Development in Somalia",null,null,"Nairobi","The International Peace Support Training Centre",null,null,null,"This Study seeks to examine and assess the current framework and capacity of the security sector in Somalia. It attempts to understand how SSR has evolved and analyze the role of external actors in the process. It observes that the realization of governance and transformation is dependent on Somalia’s stability. As it is, undertaking Security Sector Development (SSD) is complex due to the fragile state of Somalia. The study argues that the stability of Somalia is dependent on how questions of state building, federalism, Al Shabaab are addressed. In addition, the stability of Somalia is dependent on the stability of Puntland, Somaliland and other separatist regions. The Federal Government of Somalia 6 pillar policy buttresses the need for Somalia’s stabilization. Developing its Security Sector is central to realizing durable peace. Understanding SSD situation in Somalia therefore calls for a nuanced approach towards the process. While it is too early to assess the whole process in Somalia, this study seeks to highlight some issues emerging as action points to policy and practice.","http://www.ipstc.org/media/documents/occasional_paper_4-7.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Somalia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Müller, Markus-Michael",2010,"Community Policing in Latin America: Lessons from Mexico City",null,"Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies",null,"Centrum voor Studie en Documentatie van Latijns Amerika (CEDLA)",null,88,"21-37","Community policing programmes are widely perceived and promoted as an important solution for the pressing problems of insecurity in contemporary Latin American cities, and for improving citizen-police relationships. By drawing on the results of empirical fieldwork conducted in Mexico City, the article presents a critical analysis of the local community policing programme. The article demonstrates that this policing programme is overly determined by the local context which is characterized by clientelism, political factionalism and police corruption. Therefore, the contribution of the policing programme to a sustainable improvement of local accountability and police legitimacy is rendered unlikely. Against this background the article calls for more empirical studies on this topic and a greater sensitivity for the embeddedness of policing programmes within a wider political context.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/25676405",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Murdoch, Danielle",2015,"Corrections Reform in Kosovo: A Qualitative Study of Canadian Corrections Advisers' Experiences in a Post-Conflict Environment",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,22,3,"248-272","This case study of corrections reform in Kosovo contributes to the growing academic literature on corrections reform during peacebuilding missions in post-conflict environments. Fourteen Canadian corrections advisers who were deployed to Kosovo between 1999 and 2006 were interviewed about the dynamics and challenges they experienced abroad. Interview transcripts were coded and analysed using NVivo10. Five key themes emerged from the data: the importance of understanding the local context; the prevalence of corruption; the lack of attention and resources devoted to corrections reform in post-conflict Kosovo; the challenges of providing safe and secure confinement for prisoners detained in facilities staffed by police and military personnel; and the challenges of working with ‘experts’ who seemingly lacked expertise and genuine concern for developing local capacities. These themes are summarized followed by a discussion of the limitations of the study, the directions for future research and the policy and practice implications of the findings.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2015.1041383",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Murray, Tonita",2009,"The Security Sector in Afghanistan Slow and Unsteady",null,"South Asian Survey",null,null,16,2,"187-208","The article presents an overview of the post-Taliban status of the security sector in Afghanistan, particularly the Afghan National Army and police, the courts and judiciary, prisons and security intelligence elements of the security sector. It is argued that uneven distribution of international funding means uneven reform and that if one part of the security sector is neglected in favour of another, all security reform is affected because the institutions are inter-connected. International reform and Western security models are useful but ultimately limited. They can bring about ‘hardware’ changes but the ‘software’ changes of culture, values and behaviour can be made only from within. Situating Afghanistan in the historical, cultural and religious context of South Asia and drawing its reform models from this region might be ultimately more effective for the future of Afghan security sector reform than what the present reform phase allows.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310901600203",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Murray, Tonita",2011,"Security Sector Reform in Afghanistan, 2002-2011: An Overview of a Flawed Process",null,"International Studies",null,null,48,1,"43-63","The security sector in Afghanistan has received intense international assistance and the investment of many billions of dollars in the nearly ten years since the fall of the Taliban regime, yet the country is still unable to maintain security and stability. While there are many obstacles to reform in the Afghan context itself, not the least being the present insurgency, the international community has made many mistakes that have prevented success. The police is perhaps more important than the military in peace-building, but it is the weakest of all the security forces. There have been three phases of police reform as the international community has tried to find the best approach, but the one factor that has not changed and is the greatest impediment to reform is the insistence on using a ‘military model’ for changing the police, and to use the police more than the army for fighting the insurgency. Now, there is another plan: to prepare the Afghan national security forces to assume leadership and responsibility for security in the country by 2014. Is this another international failure in the making?","http://isq.sagepub.com/content/48/1/43.refs?patientinform-links=yes&legid=spisq;48/1/43",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Myrttinen, Henri",2009,"Poster Boys No More: Gender and Security Sector Reform in Timor-Leste",null,null,"Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"Gender roles play a central role in East Timor's security sector reform (SSR) and have the potential to increase or undermine security sector professionalism. This paper, published by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, reviews recent security sector developments in East Timor and assesses its SSR from a gender perspective. Comprehensive gender-sensitive SSR processes, including increased recruitment of and equal opportunities for women in security forces, are necessary to provide security for the entire population.From 1999-2006, internationally-supported SSR in newly independent East Timor demobilised rebel forces and forged comprehensive army and police reforms. In 2006, bloody conflict between army and police forces ended this reform period and underscored long-standing gender-related grievances. Despite international gender mainstreaming programmes, both men and women felt they were under-recognised and -rewarded for their role in the country's struggle for independence.Gender roles in East Timor are marked by patriarchy. There is a pervasive sense of maternalism. Men are caught between two expectations: to continue to play the role of provider while embracing modernity. A review of this reform-relapse period in East Timor highlights the impact of gender on East Timor's continued quest for internal security: On-going security challenges are linked to the readiness of men to use violence to address grievances and sexual violence and exploitation. Before 2006, demobilisation of the resistance did not adequately recognise women involved in the struggle. The armed forces were still dominated by male clientelistic patronage networks.Due to gender training and a higher percentage of female officers, the pre-2006 national police force had greater exposure to gender issues than the armed forces. However, there have been serious allegations of sexual misconduct levelled against the police; many officers do not consider cases of domestic violence seriously.After the resurgence of violence in 2008, responsibility for internal security was transferred to an international stabilisation force. When the security function returned to the Timorese, armed forces-police tensions gradually diminished and their self-confidence seemed to increase.By 2009, women constituted 10 per cent of the armed forces and 18 per cent of the police. However, barriers to women's full participation in security forces persist. The following measures would address Timorese security sector gender-related issues:Involve civil society, including women's organisations, in debate on human security and the roles of security institutions.Engage in civic education on security sector roles and citizens' rights vis-a-vis security institutions. Increase recruitment of women to security forces; ensure gender equality in employment and advancement.Draft and implement policies prohibiting sexual harassment; ensure that security forces are not dominated by patronage-based networks.Train and build capacity on gender issues.Back up SSR by clear guidelines delineating various security tasks as well as accountable, gender-sensitive oversight mechanisms.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35759/526735/file/DCAF_PP31_PosterBoys_2.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Timor Leste",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Nanwani, Suresh and Ayus, A Mohaimin",2012,"Strengthening legal education and judicial training in the Maldives: a case study",null,"IIUM Law Journal",null,null,15,2,"171-196","The article discusses the law and policy reform activities carried out by the Asian Development Bank with its focus on countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and the legal interventions which impact upon citizens, private sector, and state institutions. The technical assistance seeks to strengthen legal education and judicial training in the Maldives. Under this project, the country’s recently-established Faculty of Shariah and Law was strengthened to provide legal education to students wishing to study shariah and law and obtain a law degree. Also, judicial training was provided to the country’s judges and island magistrates to carry out their duties in hearing cases and applying law and court procedures. The article postulates the need to take into account and address the local needs, context and sensitivities, rather than merely transplanting a western legal system which would otherwise not work for the country and its peoples where shariah is an important legal system. It also highlights the need to adopt a flexible approach in addressing problems and challenges rising during project execution to ensure realization of effective results. The article offers some thoughts and reflections on the lessons learnt for consideration in any developing country on a similar project to strengthen legal education and judicial training.","http://journals.iium.edu.my/iiumlj/index.php/iiumlj/article/download/67/65",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Maldives",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Nielsen, Mette Lindorf",2011,"From Practice to Policy and Back: Emerging Lessons from Working with Community-Based Justice Mechanisms in Helmand, Afghanistan","P. Albrecht, H. M. Kyed, D. Isser and E. Harper","Perspectives on involving non-state and customary actors in justice and security reform","Rome","International Development Law Organization/Danish Institute for International Studies",null,null,"159-177","This chapter reflects on how the Stabilization Unit (SU) has drawn lessons and sought to derive best practice from the pilot approach of the UK-led Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Afghanistan's Helmand province.","http://subweb.diis.dk/graphics/_Staff/paa/IDLO_Book.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Nilsson, Desirée and Kovacs, Mimmi S√∂derberg",2013,"Different paths of reconstruction: military reform in post-war Sierra Leone and Liberia",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,20,1,"2016-02-01","Security Sector Reform (SSR) has developed into a key component of international peacebuilding agendas. However, there is a lack of sufficient knowledge of the advantages and drawbacks of different reform processes. This study offers a comparative analysis of two post-war states with diverse approaches to the reconstruction of the national armed forces after a civil war: Sierra Leone after the 1999 Lomé Peace Accord, where the competing warring parties were integrated into a single force; and Liberia following the 2003 Accra Peace Agreement, where the old army was disbanded and a new force was recruited and built from scratch. The findings show that each approach was associated with distinct benefits and risks during the implementation process. However, the outcomes are also similar in many important respects, and raise questions about the long-term sustainability of these reforms.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2013.761825",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia; Sierra Leone",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Njuguna, Esther, et al.",2015,"Institutionalising police reforms in Kenya: lessons from 2012-2015",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"Institutionalising police reforms in Kenya: lessons from 2012-2015 1 Summary Kenyaâ€™s 2010 constitution fundamentally shifted the legal basis for national policing. The constitution provides for an ambitious set of reform processes aimed at addressing a long-term perception of the police in Kenya as abusive, corrupt, and ineffective. The reforms are intended to transform the police into a modern, accountable, and responsible service provider. In 2012, Saferworld and Usalama Forum began a three-year programme of work to support the implementation of the police reform agenda and, through this, contribute to the improvement of professionalism within the police service, increase accountability and promote better service delivery for the Kenyan public.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/institutionalising-police-reforms-in-kenya---lessons-from-2012-15.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["North-South Institute",2009,"Police Reform in Southern Sudan: Measuring the public's sense of security",null,"Briefings from the North-South Institute","Ottawa","The North-South Institute",null,null,null,"This policy brief focuses on police reform in Southern Sudan and measuring the public’s sense of security.","http://www.nsi-ins.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/2009-Police-Reform-in-Southern-Sudan-Measuring-the-Publicss-Sense-of-Security.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Onana, Renner and Taylor, Hannah",2008,"MONUC and SSR in the Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,15,4,"501-516","From 2003 to 2006, the volatile political environment in the Democratic Republic of Congo conditioned the implementation of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), and army integration programmes, as well as the functioning of related coordination mechanisms. Programmes and modalities for coordination were constantly adjusted – in relation to the multitude of challenges that arose, divisions within the transitional government, and the interests of bilateral partners. To be effective, international partners should coordinate advocacy, leverage, planning and assistance for security sector reform (SSR) from the earliest phases of a peace process. Moving sensitive reforms in the security sector forward in a coordinated and coherent manner requires a continuous, unified and carefully prepared political effort by international partners.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310802239733",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Onoma, Ato Kwamena",2014,"Transition Regimes and Security Sector Reforms in Sierra Leone and Liberia",null,"The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science",null,null,656,1,"136-153","Why are some countries more successful at carrying out postconflict reconstruction programs than are others? Sierra Leone and Liberia have similar histories and suffered wars that were intimately linked. When the wars ended, foreign-backed efforts were undertaken to reform the security sector in each country. These reforms were more successful in Sierra Leone than in Liberia. This article argues that the diverging outcomes are explained by the extent to which postconflict regimes reflected the distribution of power on the ground in the two countries. Sierra Leone's transition regime better reflected the distribution of power among forces on the ground, which led to a consultative approach to framing the reform program. The input of key local actors in policy formulation has made implementation of these reforms less difficult. In Liberia the transition regime was built on a repudiation of local power realities leading to a nonconsultative approach to reform that has severely compromised the implementation of reforms.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214545445 ",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia; Sierra Leone",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa",2015,"Helping to combat impunity for sexual crimes in DRC: an evaluation of the mobile gender justice courts",null,null,"Johannesburg","Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa",null,null,null,"This report reports on an assignment to conduct a review, analysis and assessment of the gender justice mobile court project operated by ABA/ROLI in South Kivu in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). One of the purposes of the assessment was to evaluate whether the original goal of the programme ˜to address the extensive number of gender violence cases that had taken place (and continue to take place)“ remains relevant today and if so, whether there is room for improvement under the circumstances now existing in the country.","http://www.osisa.org/sites/default/files/open_learning-drc-web.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Open Society Justice Initiative",2015,"Lawyer at the Police Station Door: How REPLACE Provides Legal Aid in Nigeria",null,null,"New York","Open Society Justice Initiative",null,null,null,"This 12-page illustrated brochure summarizes the successes achieved by a project that used duty solicitors to give detainees in Nigerian police stations early access to legal advice.","https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/pretrial-justice-brochure-nigeria-20150316_0.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Open Society Justice Initiative",2015,"Innovative Efforts, Proven Results: How Timap for Justice Provides Legal Aid in Sierra Leone",null,null,"New York","Open Society Justice Initiative",null,null,null,"This 12-page illustrated brochure summarizes the successes achieved by a community paralegal project in Sierra Leone that focused on providing front-line legal aid to pretrial detainees.","http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/briefing-papers/innovative-efforts-proven-results-how-timap-justice-provides-legal-aid-sierra-leone",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Oseguera, Silvia Inclán",2009,"Judicial Reform in Mexico: Political Insurance or the Search for Political Legitimacy?",null,"Political Research Quarterly",null,null,62,4,"753-766","Judicial reform presents a paradox: What makes governing elites decide to grant power to an autonomous judiciary that will eventually curtail their own powers? The engagement of governing elites in judicial reforms is recently being explained as strategic moves to protect their interests when they can foresee a future loss of political control. Using the Mexican reform process of 1994-95, this work discusses the applicability of such perspective for this case and offers an alternative explanation based on the reformers’ need to legitimize their rule in a context marked by political competition and a discredited supreme court.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912909346740",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Osse, Anneke",2014,"Police reform in Kenya: a process of 'meddling through'",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,null,null,null,"Police operate within the given sociopolitical context of a country. Those working on police reform have to acknowledge the political arena in which it takes place – especially when such an arena is not fully supportive of the reform project. This article argues that implementing police reform in an ‘unwilling context’ may result in the building of new institutions to hold the police accountable, but is unlikely to have a substantial impact on police practice. It uses the reform process in Kenya as a case study. Kenya embarked on a fresh reform process in 2009, which resulted in the adoption of a new legal framework for the police in 2011. However, implementing the new legislation has proved challenging and the failure of both the executive and the police to comply with the new instructions has impeded the progress of the various newly built institutions and their impact on fair and effective policing. Since the reforms serve the interests of those in power only to a limited extent, and the direction provided by the law is ambiguous at times, there is ample space for deliberation over mandates and authorities, thus further diminishing the potential impact of the reforms. The public wants the police to enhance their effectiveness, especially in view of rising crime and terrorism, but is still grappling with the terms that should apply. Civil society needs to claim its position in directing that debate.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2014.993631",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Padurariu, Amelia",2014,"The Implementation of Police Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Analysing UN and EU Efforts",null,"Stability: International Journal of Security and Development",null,null,3,1,"2018-01-01","This article analyses the role of the main international actors involved in the implementation of police reform in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, notably that of the UN and the EU. Despite considerable efforts and resources deployed over 17 years, the implementation of police reform remains an ‘unfinished business’ that demonstrates the slow pace of implementing rule of law reforms in Bosnia’s post-conflict setting, yet, in the long-term, remains vital for Bosnia’s stability and post-conflict reconstruction process. Starting with a presentation of the status of the police before and after the conflict, UN reforms (1995–2002) are first discussed in order to set the stage for an analysis of the role of the EU in the implementation of police reform. Here, particular emphasis is placed on the institution-building actions of the EU police mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina deployed on the ground for almost a decade (2003-June 2012). The article concludes with an overall assessment of UN and EU efforts in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the remaining challenges encountered by the EU on the ground, as the current leader to police reform implementation efforts. More generally, the article highlights that for police reform to succeed in the long-term, from 2012-onwards, the EU should pay particular attention to the political level, where most of the stumbling blocks for the implementation of police reform lie.","http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.db",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Parau, Cristina E",2009,"Beyond Judicial Independence: What Kind of Judiciary is Emerging in Post-Communist Eastern Europe?",null,"Available at SSRN 1523285",null,null,null,null,null,"The judiciary is a high-impact institution which affects social well-being as well as economic development. Following the fall of Communism, most of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) undertook judicial reforms, spurred in part by the conditionality of accession to the EU. What have been the actual outcome(s) of these reform efforts? Have judiciaries in CEE remained subservient to the State, or have they come to exercise uncontrollable power, i.e. ‘supremacy’, over the democratically elected political powers? Has a third possibility, the co-equality of the judicial with the political branches, been seriously considered? The argument is divided into a theoretical/normative and an empirical part. The theoretical part develops the typology about the relationships that can exist between the judiciary and the elected branches of government and their consequences. The empirical part examines in more detail the type of judiciary that has emerged in post-Communist Romania, assessing and explaining the major judicial reform of 2003-2004 which empowered the Constitutional Court; eliminated recurs in anulare, a mechanism which the Executive could have used to check and balance the judiciary; and greatly empowered and made autonomous the Judicial Council, the putative constitutional guardian of judicial independence. The evidence presented strongly suggest that a particular type of relationship between the judiciary and the other powers of government, which I have labelled 'vicious supremacism' is in process of taking root in the CEE. This outcome has been the result of both external pressures, especially exercised by the EU, and domestic motives.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1523285",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Romania",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Peake, Gordon",2009,"A lot of talk but not a lot of action: The difficulty of implementing SSR in Timor-Leste","Born, Hans and Schnabel, Albrecht","Security Sector Reform in Challenging Environments","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"213-38","This chapter examines the fitful progress at turning this agreed policy concept of security sector reform (SSR) into programmatic reality. The chapter shows that, although the term ‘security sector reform’ is frequently used in statements and papers, the concept remains poorly understood and seemingly unsusceptible to programmatic implementation. The difficulty of turning stated policy intent into everyday practice is for three principal reasons, which will be introduced here and developed further in the second part of the chapter. Firstly, the concept remains esoteric, ethereal and hard to explain clearly, even more so given the multiple languages used in Timor-Leste. In effect, this has meant that SSR is much more a rhetorical trope than a specific programme of action. This may explain why the only actual programmatic activity to occur under the banner of SSR – a ‘security sector review’ – has not yet meaningfully begun. Secondly – and not unusual for a relatively new concept – SSR has struggled to find a bureaucratic place within existing institutional structures. It is the simple nature of organisations that a concept has to ‘sit’ somewhere. There is no institutional home for the ‘security sector’. The Timorese government runs separate ministries and institutions in charge of the military, police and justice sectors. Major bilateral partners mirror this approach with separate programmes that focus on specific institutions carried out by staff and personnel experienced in a particular area or sector. This tendency for different parts of an ‘integrated’ or ‘whole of government’ approach to fix practically upon a specific part of the sector is most marked in the UN peacekeeping mission in Timor-Leste, the only actor actually to use the phrase ‘security sector reform’ in its programming. Thirdly, and perhaps most grievously, SSR as it is described and espoused is going against one of the fundamental tenets of the very concept – that of essentiality politics. Despite the pre-eminence of politics in policy statements and handbooks, SSR is still approached and explained as a dry, mechanical exercise. In large part, this is because many of those tasked with working on the ‘security sector’ have slim understandings of the politics, history and languages of the half-island they work in.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36926/529069/file/Ch09_TimorLeste_12Oct.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Peekhaus, Wilhelm",2014,"South Africa's Promotion of Access to Information Act: An Analysis of Relevant Jurisprudence",null,"Journal of Information Policy",null,"Penn State University Press",4,null,"570-596","Is South Africa's constitutional right of access to information working in practice? According to the author, it still faces substantial political and commercial resistance, and the success of the courts in enforcing its implementing legislation, the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA), is mixed. The article reviews how the courts have interpreted and enforced the provisions of PAIA. More than a decade after its promulgation, the Act remains obstructed by continuing implementation challenges. Nonetheless, the courts have established a corpus of jurisprudence that admonishes public as well as private bodies to adhere to their constitutional and statutory information disclosure obligations in ways that will contribute to the development of a balanced access to information regime as the access laws evolve.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.0570",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Pegram, Thomas",2008,"Accountability in hostile times: the case of the Peruvian human rights ombudsman 1996â€“2001",null,"Journal of Latin American Studies",null,null,40,1,"51-82","The study finds that the relative effectiveness of the Peruvian human rights ombudsman under quasi-authoritarian circumstances can be attributed to three principal factors: (1) the robustness of the institution’s foundations, (2) the capacity of the first appointee and personnel, and (3) the ability of the institution to access multiple spheres of accountability and different modes of resolution. Drawing on O’Donnell’s theory of a new generation of horizontal accountability mechanisms – appointed institutions – the findings of this research suggest that the human rights ombudsman occupies a distinct position in the political system that allows it to interconnect different spheres of an accountability network.","http://ssrn.com/abstract=2465586",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Peru",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Pegram, Thomas",2011,"Weak institutions, rights claims and pathways to compliance: the transformative role of the Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman",null,"Oxford Development Studies",null,null,39,2,"229-251","This article examines the contribution of the Peruvian human rights ombudsman towards upholding a stable and enforceable rights framework, an important component of an inclusive democratic political regime. It argues that the human rights ombudsman may play a significant role in advancing social transformation through the articulation and facilitation of rights claims in an institutional terrain informed by the politically contested nature of formal rules. The analysis goes beyond formal legal channels of redress to consider innovative mechanisms to increase social accountability, including a variety of non-judicial remedies such as policy initiatives, media advocacy and conflict mediation. The article suggests the human rights ombudsman is well placed to advance rights claims through legal, institutional and social pathways, with particular focus on the question of compliance—understood as a matter of both enforcement and management.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2011.568611",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Peru",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Perdan, Slobodan",2008,"Bosnia: SSR under international tutelage","Donais, Timothy","Local ownership and security sector reform","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"253-272",null,"http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35614/526445/file/LocalOwnershipandSSR1.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Perito, Robert and Kristoff, Madeline",2009,"Iraq's Interior Ministry: The Key to Police Reform",null,null,"Washington D.C.","United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"Iraq’s Ministry of the Interior (MOI) is responsible for the supervision, training and administrative support for Iraq’s non-military security forces. These include: the Iraqi Police Service, the Iraq National Police, the Iraqi Border Enforcement Service and the Facilities Protection Service. In total, MOI is responsible for nearly 600,000 men under arms or a force that is three times the size of the new Iraqi Army, Navy and Air Force combined. In July 2007, the Los Angeles Times reported that Iraq’s MOI had become a “federation of oligarchs” with various floors of the building controlled by hostile militia groups. According to the report, police officials moved between floors protected by heavily armed bodyguards and internal power struggles were settled by assassinations in the parking lot. This negative assessment was confirmed in a September 2007 report by the congressionally mandated “Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq,” which stated that Iraq’s MOI was crippled by corruption and sectarianism, and posed the main obstacle to developing an effective police force in Iraq. To address this situation, a U.S.-led MOI Transition Team of American and British advisers was assigned the task of ministry reform. A panel of distinguished experts discussed the result of the two-year effort at a public forum hosted by the U.S. Institute of Peace’s Security Sector Reform (SSR) Working Group on June 18, 2009.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/iraq_interior_ministry_perito_kristoff.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Iraq",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Perito, Robert M",2009,"Afghanistan's Police - The Weak Link in Security Sector Reform",null,null,"Washington D.C.","United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"The Afghanistan National Police is Afghanistan’s front line of defense against insurgency and organized crime. Yet despite nearly $10 billion in international police assistance, the Afghan police are riddled with corruption and incompetence and are far from the professional law enforcement organization needed to ensure stability and development. This report details the past failures and current challenges facing the international police assistance program in Afghanistan. It draws conclusions about the prospects for current programs and offers recommendations for corrective action. The report urges that the international community’s approach to police assistance expand to embrace a comprehensive program for security sector reform and the rule of law.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/afghanistan_police.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Peterson, Jenny H",2010,"Rule of Law' initiatives and the liberal peace: the impact of politicised reform in post-conflict states",null,"Disasters",null,null,34,"s1","S15-S39","Strengthening the ‘Rule of Law’ (RoL) has emerged as a key requirement in the reconstruction of conflict-affected states. No longer simply a philosophical ideal, RoL now exists as a tangible set of policies created and implemented by international actors, to which conflict-affected states are expected to conform. Masked in the neutral, apolitical rhetoric of blind and objective justice, RoL programming is in fact a political tool within the larger liberal peacebuilding project. Its employment as such mutes its potential contribution to constructing a positive peace as it often creates new socio-political tensions and distorts accountability structures. An analysis of reforms in Kosovo under the United Nations administration illustrates the potential for liberal RoL reforms to increase insecurity in the short term and threaten the sustainability of peacebuilding reforms in the long term. Instrumental use of RoL programming thus provides further evidence of weaknesses and contradictions within the politicised liberal peacebuilding project, necessitating reconsideration of its role in post-conflict transformations.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.2009.01097.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Pimentel, David",2008,"Restructuring the Courts: In Search of Basic Principles for the Judiciary of Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"Chi. J. Int'l L.",null,null,9,null,107,"While judicial reform projects are underway in many countries, particularly in the developing world, it is unusual for the reform efforts to include a complete restructuring of a court system which redefines the number, size, and location of courts, as well as their territorial and subject-matter jurisdiction. A court restructuring initiative in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, therefore, broke new ground in its effort to divine the guiding principles for how many courts are needed, where they are needed, and how many judges are required for each of them. The report of that effort-entitled Restructuring the Court System: Report and Proposal (\"Report\")--has not, until now, been published in a way that makes it available to those considering similar issues. This deficiency is unfortunate, as the principles derived for that restructuring effort, both in terms of the substantive criteria applied and the political issues anticipated and managed, are instructive and worth preserving. This Article summarizes those principles, recounts the Author's experiences and challenges in restructuring the courts, and also attaches the full Report of the court restructuring team in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the benefit of future efforts along similar lines.","http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil/vol9/iss1/6",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia and Herzegovina",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Podder, Sukanya",2013,"Bridging the 'Conceptual-Contextual Divide: Security Sector Reform in Liberia and UNMIL Transition",null,"Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding",null,null,7,3,"353-380","This article discusses the tensions in security sector reform that stem from a conceptualcontextual divide in statebuilding practice. It uses the case of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) drawdown to understand how tensions between international policy and local practice manifest and impact on reform of internal security capacity in real time. The theme of hybridity links the analytical framework with the reality of SSR performance and explains the fallacies of liberal-institutionalist reform choices. Research findings offer important lessons that point towards the need for developing local institutions and capacities in place of externally driven social engineering projects that enhance dependency. This focus on empowering the local complements, and is commensurate with, the ultimate goal of SSR, namely, the reconstruction of legitimate and people-centred security institutions.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2013.770242",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Poudel, Anil, et al.",2013,"Community-Based Approaches to Safety and Security - Lessons from Kosovo, Nepal and Bangladesh",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"This report identifies lessons relevant for donors and implementing agencies seeking to support community-based approaches to security. It is based on Saferworld and partners’ community security work in Kosovo, Nepal and Bangladesh in 2010–13. The report suggests that community security programmes produce measurable improvements to communities’ own experiences of safety and security. It also identifies a range of results relevant to the provision of capable, accountable and responsive security provision and wider peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts. The findings argue for the critical role of civil society in security and justice sector development and point to some of the measures necessary to support such groups effectively. The report reinforces the observation that successful security and justice interventions need to integrate both community-based and institutionally led reforms. Finally, it provides some practical lessons for donors and agencies seeking to support community-based approaches to safety and security through their work.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/Community-based-approaches-to-safety-and-security.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo; Nepal; Bangladesh",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Prado, Mariana Mota",2010,"The paradox of rule of law reforms: How early reforms can create obstacles to future ones",null,"University of Toronto Law Journal",null,null,60,2,"555-578","In their most recent book, Rule of Law Reform and Development: Charting the Fragile Path of Progress, Michael Trebilcock and Ron Daniels show how rule of law reforms have a mixed--not to say disappointing--track record of successes. Their diagnosis is that social-historical-cultural factors and resistance from interest groups are two of the main obstacles to reform. This essay explores these two obstacles in greater depth, especially in how they can create values, practices and attitudes that may become impediments to future reforms. This point is illustrated with a Brazilian case study.","http://www.law.utoronto.ca/documents/prado/Prado_-_Paradox_of_Ruleo_f_Law.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Prado, Mariana Mota, et al.",2012,"Police reform in violent democracies in Latin America",null,"Hague Journal on the Rule of Law",null,null,4,2,"252-285","The central question of this paper is what kind of reform are necessary to guarantee that Latin American police forces meet 'the democratic criteria': 1) police are accountable to law, not government; 2) police protect human rights, including those related to democratic participation; 3) there are constraints on the use of police force that are enforced by institutions external to the police force; 4) the police force's priority is the protection of citizens as individuals and private groups, not the state.","http://www.law.yale.edu/documents/pdf/sela/SELA12_Prado_Eng_CV_20120402.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Proksik, Joschka J",2013,"Organized Crime and the Dilemmas of Democratic Peace-Building in Kosovo",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,20,3,"280-298","Based on a theoretical concept that distinguishes different dilemma types, the article identifies and analyses dilemma situations that arose for the international UN-led peace-building operation in its efforts to combat organised crime in post-war Kosovo. In order to cope with the various dilemmas that arose, the international peace-building operation engaged in compromises that entailed strategic trade-offs. Dilemmas and respective trade-offs in decision-making pertain to the fields of post-conflict security, political inclusion of post-conflict stakeholders, disarmament and demobilization, transfer of ownership, rule of law and local economy.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2013.838396",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Quinney, Nigel",2011,"Justice and Security Dialogue in Nepal",null,"Building Peace",null,"United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"This report describes a new approach to promoting dialogue and cooperation that has enabled the Nepal Police and local communities to bridge the gulf of mistrust and together start tackling crime and instability. This approach is now being customized to work in other war-torn societies.","http://www.usip.org/publications/justice-and-security-dialogue-in-nepal",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Nepal",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Radin, Andrew",2012,"A Laboratory for State Building: Police and Military Reform in East Timor",null,null,"Cambridge, MA","Massachusetts Institute of Technology",null,null,null,"Following post-referendum violence in 1999, the UN established the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) and mandated it with temporary sovereign authority over the country. UNTAET sought to build strong state institutions in order to bring East Timor to independence and to enable the country to exercise democratic and effective governance thereafter. The UN effort in East Timor are particularly worthy of study because according to the conventional wisdom it offered one of the most auspicious opportunities for state building in recent history. Much of the academic literature on state building understands state building as a technocratic effort that depends on the strength of the international community’s mandate and the use of well-established best practices. UNTAET had full authority, substantial resources, and included an “A-team of international technocrats.” Furthermore, East Timor had two additional qualities that made it a laboratory for state building – it was small, with under a million people, and because of the massive destruction following the war, had few existing institutions. This is why Sergio Vieira de Mello, the head of UNTAET, believed that East Timor was a “pretty perfect petri-dish” in which the UN could demonstrate that it knew how to properly establish effective and democratic governance. This paper demonstrates that the UN’s experience in East Timor undermines these claims. In particular, it shows how the lingering effects of the war gave Timorese elites the incentive and ability to block certain key reform efforts. In particular, Timorese elites maintained power by associating themselves with the nationalist goals from the war and by maintaining informal patronage networks. Timorese elites therefore blocked UN reforms that would have undermined nationalist politics or their informal networks. East Timor was indeed a laboratory for state building, but one that demonstrated that the UN’s technocratic procedures were ineffective. The paper focuses on the UN’s effort to build the East Timor police and military. Effective and democratically governed security institutions are believed to be critical for avoiding a return to war and enabling long-term development. In East Timor however, police and military reform were far from successful. The failure of civilian oversight of the military, combined with the poorly disciplined and neglected police, led to violence between factions of these institutions in 2006. To be sure, police and military reform represent some of the weakest institution building by the UN in East Timor. Nevertheless, the mechanisms by which the reform of the police and military failed are demonstrative of the broader limitations of the international community’s efforts to reform state institutions in post-conflict societies. The paper proceeds by tracing the development of the military and police in East Timor in two case studies. The objective of these case studies is to identify the mechanisms by which the UN’s demands for reform were or were not implemented. These case studies are based on 43 interviews in East Timor with both international and Timorese officials and analysts, which the author conducted over two trips in the summers of 2009 and 2010. The case studies also make use of primary and secondary sources, including UN documents, NGO reports, and academic publications. Following the case studies, a final section concludes and offers policy implications.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID2061165_code1609318.pdf?abstractid=2061165&mirid=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Rao, Sumedh",2013,"Community policing in fragile and conflict-affected states",null,"Helpdesk Research Report","Birmingham, UK","GSDRC",null,997,10,"Identify examples of 'community policing' in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS). Define how different groups use the term 'community policing' and where possible, identify examples where police services engaging with communities or community leaders in FCAS have led to safer communities. Community policing is the idea of policing in partnership with community, and the strategy for implementing this partnership. Beyond this rudimentary definition, there is no common agreement on what community policing entails. Experience of various forms of community policing in different fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) have had mixed results â€“ there have been some benefits, though the programmes have not been as transformative as hoped, and existing police culture and community relations have often been the critical impediment. Case studies from Afghanistan, Kenya and Sierra Leone identify benefits from community policing (though the contents of these programmes varied).","http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/HDQ997.pdf",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan, Kenya, Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Rauch, Janine",2011,"Civil society and security sector oversight: What capacity in the DRC?",null,"African Security Review",null,null,20,4,"21-33","Much is made in the security sector reform literature of the role of civil society as an overseer and monitor of the security sector, contributing to improved accountability and governance. This paper looks at how the notion of ‘civil society capacity’ needs to be disaggregated in order to develop meaningful strategies to assist civil society organisations to impact security sector reforms in complex, post-conflict contexts like the Democratic Republic of Congo. It draws on fieldwork conducted with 200 Congolese civil society groups that are attempting to engage in current security sector reform processes, and looks at which capacities are required to improve oversight by civil society groups.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2011.630807",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Channel Research",2011,"Joint Evaluation of Conflict Prevention and Peace Building in DRC",null,null,"Ohain","Channel Research",null,null,null,"This evaluation was commissioned by a Steering Committee of bilateral cooperation donors and aid agencies, to review conflict prevention and peacebuilding policies in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Drawing on examples from a portfolio of projects funded by Steering Committee members, the evaluation is designed to provide general conclusions relevant to all international interventions in the eastern DRC.","http://www.oecd.org/derec/unitedkingdom/48859543.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Riccio, Vicente, et al.",2013,"Community policing in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro",null,"Police Practice and Research",null,null,14,4,"308-318","This article evaluates the adoption of a new model for community policing in two communities in Rio de Janeiro. They were initially dominated by heavily armed criminal gangs that challenged the hegemony of the Brazilian state. A version of community policing was introduced in these two poor areas. Its principal feature was a commitment to delivering honest, professional, and respectful policing; other initiatives commonly associated with community policing in the northern hemisphere would have to come later. The questions addressed here were whether the police could actually mount such a program, and if they could respond effectively to crime and disorder while avoiding abusive conduct. Six hundred residents of the study communities were surveyed regarding the program and their concerns about crime and police misconduct. The survey found widespread support for the initial intervention by Rio de Janeiro's police, which aimed at damping the presence of armed criminal gangs and reducing omnipresent fear of crime. The findings suggest that it is possible for police to improve the quality of life and reduce concern about crime in one of the most difficult urban environments in the Americas.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.816494",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Robb-Jackson, Carley",2012,"Justice Watchdogs: Promoting Women's Access to Justice Through Community-Based Paralegal Programs",null,null,null,"Legal Working Paper Series on Legal Empowerment for Sustainable Development",null,null,null,"This paper explores the effects of community-based paralegal programmes through a case study on Sierra Leone, and makes a contribution to the field of gender and law.","http://cisdl.org/public/docs/Robb-Jackson_Justice_Watchdogs_Promoting_womens_access_to_justice.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Robb-Jackson, Carley",2013,"Part of the Justice Puzzle: Community based Paralegal Programs and Sierra Leone's Legal Aid Act",null,"Canadian Journal of Poverty Law",null,null,2,1,"42-70","This paper examines community-based paralegal programs in order to understand the connection between such programs, legal empowerment and access to justice. This case study is particularly well-timed as the government has recently enacted the Legal Aid Act (2012), and as donor support to user-based approaches to justice continues to increase. The paper emerges from field work conducted in Sierra Leone, during January and February 2012, which specifically explored gendered barriers to justice, the country's formal and customary legal systems, the Gender Act,s and community-based paralegal programs. This research was qualitative in nature, and included interviews with paralegal clients and non-clients, observations of paralegal offices, and interviews with knowledgeable third parties.","http://www.povertylaw.ca/uploads/6/7/6/0/6760250/sierra_leone_robb-jackson.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Robinson, Colin",2012,"Army reconstruction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 2003-2009",null,"Small Wars & Insurgencies",null,null,23,3,"474-499","Since the peace agreements of 2002–2003 which ended the second war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, reconstruction of the army has been an inherently political process, in common with other attempts to carry out security sector reform (SSR). This article briefly sketches out the Congolese army's history, then attempts to fill a gap in the literature on Congolese SSR by detailing what can be found of the actual structure and shape of the present army. The efforts that have been made to reform the army are then examined, followed by a conclusion which examines the major issues and possible ways forward.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2012.661612",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Robinson, Karen Barnes, et al.",2015,"Progress in small steps: security against the odds in Liberia",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"This case study explores progress in personal security in Liberia, identifying five key factors that have driven change, ranging from the role of the UN peacekeeping mission to a stable political settlement. It also identifies the significant challenges remaining in Liberia, noting the abundance of lingering potential triggers of conflict as well as various other concerns.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/9420.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Rouw, Hans and Willems, Rens",2011,"Security promotion seen from below: experiences from South Sudan",null,null,null,"PSDNetwork",null,null,null,"This report is based on seven weeks of field research in Jonglei, WES and EES, and was undertaken shortly after the results of the referendum for independence were declared. South Sudan was preparing for its official independence on 9 July 2011, after decades of cataclysmal conflict in which tensions within the south have been exacerbated, and development hardly took place. The focus of the report is on interventions aiming at security promotion in this context, specifically at DDR and SALW control, and to a lesser extent SSR. The point of departure for the research is the local security context.","http://www.kpsrl.org/browse/browse-item/t/security-promotion-seen-from-below-experiences-from-south-sudan",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Rozema, Ralph",2008,"Urban DDR-Processes: Paramilitaries and Criminal Networks in Medellin, Colombia",null,"Journal of Latin American Studies",null,"Cambridge University Press",40,3,"423-452","While most scientific studies on disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants focus on the countryside, the case of the paramilitaries in MedellÃ­n, Colombia, provides an exceptional opportunity to study such a process in a metropolitan environment. Analysis reveals how an urban DDR-process may lead to highly contradictory results: a strong decrease in the number of homicides and at the same time a consolidation of networks of criminal groups. Extralegal combatants, especially in an urban environment, are able to form extensive networks with criminal organisations. Although DDR-approaches warn of the risk that ex-combatants may resort to violence, scholars tend to disregard existing networks of groups of combatants and powerful criminal organisations in their analyses. Taking theories on DDR as a starting point and reflecting on earlier local peace initiatives, this article analyses the process with paramilitaries in MedellÃ­n. It argues that although, the local peace process has led to some significant results, it has to date failed to address the wider network of criminal organisations within which former paramilitaries were and continue to be involved.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/40056702",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Colombia",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Ruediger, Marco Aurélio",2013,"The rise and fall of Brazil's public security program: PRONASCI",null,"Police Practice and Research",null,null,14,4,"280-294","This study focuses on political and administrative issues in program design in a complex federal system. It examines the rise and fall of Program for Public Security with Citizenship (PRONASCI) in Brazil. This innovative, even radical combination of police reform and social change targeting crime and police practices in the nation’s poorest communities was launched as a national policy in a country – like the USA and other large democracies – with a strong federal constitutional framework. Although it was successful in many aspects, it ran afoul of a political and bureaucratic process tugging between innovation and conservatism and eventually collapsed, not on its merits but in the face of policy implementation issues that may be found more generally in the domain of police reform. One lesson of PRONASCI is that the reform process must take into account bureaucratic interests, the stance of the media, and opportunities that emerge at crucial moments in the political process. It also must sustain the commitment of political elites to the necessity of pursuing change.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.816488",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Rupiya, Martin",2013,"South Africa: Transition of the Armed Forces from Apartheid to Multiparty Democracy","Rupiya, Martin, et al.","Military Engagement: Influencing Armed Forces","Washington D.C.","Brookings Institution Press",null,null,"257-73.","This chapter examines South Africa’s transition from an apartheid state pursuing an aggressive Total Strategy, implemented by an almost all-white South African Defense Force (SADF), to a democratic state with a regional strategy for peacekeeping, carried out by an integrated South African National Defense Force (SANDF). The transition was difficult at times, with some violent resistance, but was accomplished in a relatively short time with impressive results. Although there are unique aspects of South Africa’s transition, there are also insights and lessons from the country’s experience that can be of value to transitions in other countries.","http://www.ccd21.org/military_handbook/volume_two/13_south_africa.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Sabet, Daniel",2010,"Police reform in Mexico: Advances and persistent obstacles",null,"Shared Responsibility",null,null,null,null,247,"Addressing Mexico’s security crisis will require creating an effective police force operating within the confines of the law. This chapter seeks to provide an overview of police reform in Mexico and elucidate the obstacles to institutional change. The chapter begins with an introduction to policing in Mexico and offers a brief exploration of the evidence of corruption, abuse, and ineffectiveness that plague Mexico’s various and numerous police departments. The analysis briefly considers the different approaches to reform, including a limited discretion approach, professionalization, and militarization. I then offer an overview of reform during the last three federal administrations: Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (1994-2000), Vicente Fox Quesada (2000-2006), and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (2006-2012). The analysis concludes that considerable advances have been made but is forced to recognize that the fundamental problems of corruption, abuse, and ineffectiveness remain. To understand why, I explore the considerable obstacles that continue to serve as a challenge to reform efforts.","http://www.fes-seguridadregional.org/images/stories/docs/5498-001_g.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Saferworld",2008,"Implementing Community-Based Policing in Kenya",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"Community-based policing (CBP) is an approach to policing that brings together the police, civil society and local communities to develop local solutions to safety and security concerns. This paper, published by Saferworld, assesses outcomes of and lessons learned from two CBP pilot-sites supported by Saferworld as part of its broader programme of police reform in Kenya.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/Kenya-CBP-aw.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Kenya",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Saferworld",2011,"Creating safer communities in Bangladesh",null,null,"London","Saferworld",null,null,null,"We all have the right to safe and secure lives, but creating the conditions in which everyone can enjoy this right is not easy. Effectively addressing issues of safety and security requires a partnership approach between those affected by insecurity and those responsible for promoting and maintaining the safety and welfare of the public. Saferworld and partners BRAC and ChangeMaker have developed an approach to community security in Bangladesh working in Kishoreganj and Kamrangirchar. This publication outlines the community security approach in Bangladesh with case studies of the different project sites.","http://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/Creating%20safer%20communities%20in%20Bangladesh.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Bangladesh",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Sahin, Selver and Feaver, Donald",2013,"The politics of security sector reform in 'fragile' or 'post-conflict' settings: a critical review of the experience in Timor-Leste",null,"Democratization",null,null,20,6,"1056-1080","Security sector reform (SSR) policy has, for the better part of a decade, been viewed as instrumental to the larger international project of improving and strengthening the ‘capacity’ of post-conflict and ‘fragile’ states. The current policy approach, which represents a merging of security and development agendas in the post-Cold War era, is based on the premise that fragmented, ineffective, poorly managed and politicised state security institutions threaten political stability and undermine poverty reduction and sustainable development goals. The objective of this article is to examine aspects of what has been described as the ‘SSR policy-practice gap’ that arose in the course of implementing SSR policy in Timor-Leste by analysing the systemic basis of the gap. An analytical framework that untangles the relationship between SSR policy objectives, targets and outcomes is presented in concert with a discussion of the social and political circumstances that confronted international organisations and donor countries when they sought to implement SSR policy in Timor-Leste. By using the analytical framework to assess the policy coherence between SSR objectives and the SSR programme contained in UN Security Council Resolution 1704, the ubiquitous disconnect between SSR ‘Gospel and Reality’ is pulled more sharply into focus","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.674368",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Sandefur, Justin and Siddiqi, Bilal",2013,"Delivering justice to the poor: Theory and experimental evidence from Liberia",null,"World Bank Workshop on African Political Economy, Washington, DC, May",null,null,20,null,null,"Can progressive, statutory legal reform improve the lives of the poor in places where formal legal institutions have limited reach? We develop and test a simple model of forum choice that highlights the tradeoff the poor and socially disadvantaged face between the repressive aspects of customary law and the formal system's high costs and punitive approach to justice. Using new survey data on over 4500 legal disputes in rural Liberia we find that, consistent with our model, plaintiffs facing a disadvantageous pairing under the custom--e.g., women suing men--are more likely to choose the formal system and are relatively happier when they do. We apply these insights to a randomized trial of a legal aid program designed to overcome this tradeoff, by offering pro bono mediation by community paralegals trained in the formal law. Plaintiffs offered legal aid are significantly more satisfied with case outcomes, pay fewer bribes, and report large material gains in terms of household and child food-security. Furthermore, both demand for and impacts of the program are greater for plaintiffs facing poor odds in the customary system. Our results suggest that there are large socioeconomic gains to be had from improving access to the formal law, by making its institutions more competitive with the organizational forms of the custom.","http://bilalsiddiqi.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Delivering_Justice_to_the_Poor_2013-11-15.pdf","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x"]
["Sardenberg, Cecilia, et al.",2010,"Domestic Violence and Women's Access to Justice in Brazil",null,null,"Salvador","Federal University of Bahia",11,null,2011,"This is a preliminary report of research on domestic violence and women's access to justice in Brazil. It focuses primarily on specialized police stations for women in Brazil as a means of access to justice for women in situations of domestic violence.","http://www.observe.ufba.br/_ARQ/UNIFEM%20access%20to%20justice%20report%20sept%2030%20(2).pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Sayigh, Yezid",2009,"Fixing Broken Windows: Security Sector Reform in Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen",null,"Carnegie Papers","Stanford","Stanford University",17,8,null,"As they emerge from conflict, states can rarely commence the arduous task of reconstruction and consolidate their governments until they undertake extensive restructuring of their security forces. Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen are all fractured, quasi-democratic states with divided societies, and deep disagreement over what constitutes the national interest. Successful reform in each will require security institutions that answer to democratically-elected civilian leaders, but the U.S. and European approach has thus far focused largely on providing military training and equipment, targeted toward counterterrorist capabilities. To enable real reform, the West must adopt a comprehensive approach which treats security reform as only one part of a broader political strategy, and encourage governments and security commanders in Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen to buy into such a strategy. Donor states should invest resources commensurate with their declared objectives, improve coordination, and standardize practices. Above all, they should make it a priority to build the institutions and procedures that are essential for democratic governance of the security sector, without which reforms become bogged down in internal power struggles. Pursuing counterterrorism in the absence of the rule of law perpetuates the undemocratic governance of the security sector and undermines state building and post-confl ict reconstruction.","http://carnegieendowment.org/files/security_sector_reform.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Palestine; Lebanon; Yemen",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Scheye, Eric",2008,"UNMIK and the significance of effective programme management: the case of Kosovo",null,"Security Sector Reform and UN Integrated Missions: Experiences from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti and Kosovo. Edited by H. HÃ¤nggi and V. Scherrer. Geneva: DCAF","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"169-228","Studies have suggested that the UN has limited state-building capacity and, as of 2008, no agreed framework of security sector reform (SSR) in post-conflict environments. This chapter addresses these concerns in the context of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). It argues that, while the UN has stabilized the territory, it has been less successful in developing indigenous/national justice and security services.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/36849/528915/file/ssr-un-integrated-missions-kosovo.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Scheye, Eric",2011,"Local justice and security providers in South Kivu: going local to support youth-neighborhood watch-community development groups",null,null,"The Hague","Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael",null,null,null,"Based on field research, this report outlines how in Bukavu, South-Kivu, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo's delivery of justice and security to its citizenry is extremely weak and its institutions and agencies have performed poorly.","http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/20111000_southkivu_scheye.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Schroeder, Ursula C and Friesendorf, Cornelius",2009,"State-building and organized crime: Implementing the international law enforcement agenda in Bosnia",null,"Journal of international relations and development",null,null,12,2,"137-167","Domestic and transnational criminalized activities are typical side effects of weak statehood and civil war. International actors pursue a variety of counter-crime programmes explicitly designed to strengthen the judicial, penal and law enforcement capacities of states after war. This paper traces the implementation of international counter-crime programmes in post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina and asks what effects they have had so far. Drawing on implementation research in the fields of public policy and foreign policy analysis, the paper discusses the constellation of factors that influence the implementation of the international law enforcement agenda in Bosnia. While we detect an initial gap between international counter-crime strategies and their implementation on the ground, our analysis also shows that international actors have intensified their fight against organized crime in post-conflict societies. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, counter-crime implementation efforts, unsystematic and uncoordinated at first, have improved over time.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2009.1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Bosnia-Herzegovina",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Schroeder, Ursula C, et al.",2014,"Security Sector Reform and the Emergence of Hybrid Security Governance",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,21,2,"214-230","Comprehensive Security Sector Reform (SSR) has become a crucial component of many international peace and statebuilding operations. The paper assesses the consequences of these attempts to foster international standards of ‘democratic security governance’ in the security sectors of post-conflict or fragile states. The paper builds on qualitative case study research of SSR interventions in Timor-Leste, Liberia, and the Palestinian Territories, conducted 2010–2012, to trace patterns of adoption, adaptation or rejection of international security governance standards by domestic actors. The article uses insights from sociological organization theories to identify different types of ‘hybrid security orders’ that result from encounters between international and domestic models of security governance in SSR processes.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2014.910405",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"Timor Leste; Liberia; Palestine",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Sedra, Mark",2008,"Security sector reform and state building in Afghanistan","Hayes, Geoffrey and Sedra, Mark","Afghanistan: transition under threat","Ontario","The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) / Wilfrid Laurier University Press",null,null,"193-217",null,"https://www.cigionline.org/sites/default/files/afghanistan_transition_under_threat_0.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Sedra, Mark",2013,"The hollowing-out of the liberal peace project in Afghanistan: the case of security sector reform",null,"Central Asian Survey",null,null,32,3,"371-387","Security sector reform (SSR) has been described as a linch-pin of the liberal state-building and peace-building processes in Afghanistan. The process was originally framed in accordance with the core liberal principles of the SSR model, prioritizing good governance, respect for human rights, sustainability, and democratic civilian control. However, as time passed and security and political conditions began to deteriorate on the ground, the process would gradually revert to a more conventional train-and-equip form, with its core liberal principles stripped away. The slide toward expediency experienced by the SSR process in Afghanistan demonstrates the deeply flawed manner in which the liberal peace project was advanced in Afghanistan. SSR donors became increasingly ambivalent about the human-security objectives of SSR, which were superseded by exigencies of the counterinsurgency, regional security, and domestic pressure for withdrawal. The Afghan experience has raised further doubt about the viability of the orthodox SSR model in conflict-affected countries, already the subject of significant critical debate.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2013.843387",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x"]
["Sedra, Mark",2014,"An Uncertain Future for Afghanistan's Security Sector",null,"Stability: International Journal of Security and Development",null,null,3,1,null,"Western powers may have espoused accountability, civil society, and good governance, but their Afghan operations have largely emphasized training and equipping for security. Military capacities are higher now but those forces are not necessarily balanced, well-managed, or sustainable. A paramilitarized police has alienated communities. Ministries of Defense and Interior are imperiled by lacks in planning, civilian oversight, and budget sufficiency. To stabilize gains of the last decade, donors need to renew their commitments to major (but more discerning) assistance.","http://www.stabilityjournal.org/article/view/sta.ei",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Seelke, Clare Ribando",2013,"Supporting Criminal Justice System Reform in Mexico: The US Role",null,null,null,"Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress",null,null,null,"This report provides an overview of Mexico's historic 2008 judicial reforms and an assessment of how those reforms have been implemented thus far. It then analyzes US support for judicial reform efforts in Mexico.","https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43001.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Sepulveda Carmona, Magdalena",2012,"Improving Access to Justice for People Living in Poverty: Recommendations and Innovative Approaches",null,"Available at SSRN 2533877",null,null,null,null,null,"This report examines a number of innovative projects that have been implemented in recent years, by civil society organizations, donors and international organizations (as well as some governments) to enhance access to justice by some of the poorest segments of society in the countries where they have been implemented. Most of the examples included here have been effective in improving access to legal information, education and legal documents and improving access to courts and informal tribunals. These interventions have succeeded to varying extents in increasing access to justice for the population targeted and as such improving their enjoyment of rights. However, the paper argues that from a human rights perspective, none of these interventions alone would be sufficient to ensure that the poorest segments of society enjoy access to justice on an equal footing with the rest of the population. To achieve that aim, it is necessary to take a comprehensive set of measures that go further beyond these specific interventions to address some of the more structural, systemic causes of obstructed access to justice.","http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2533877",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x"]
["Sepulveda Carmona, Magdalena and Donald, Kate",2015,"Beyond legal empowerment: improving access to justice from the human rights perspective",null,"The International Journal of Human Rights",null,null,19,3,"242-259","The authors argue that legal empowerment during political transitions must take into account the numerous and varied obstacles that people living in poverty face in accessing justice. Challenging impunity and strengthening justice require explicitly targeting power asymmetries and addressing obstacles that are social, cultural, financial and systemic in nature. The article examines different types of legal empowerment and access to justice programmes, highlighting their benefits and challenges from a human rights perspective. Finally, it draws lessons from existing programmes for practitioners and policymakers working to improve access to justice in transitional contexts.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2015.1029340",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Seroka, Jim",2008,"Assessment of the transformation of civil-military relations in Serbia and Croatia since 2000",null,"Politička misao",null,null,"XLV",5,"135-151","Since 2000, the republics of Serbia and Croatia have had very different levels of achievement and success in transforming their national security orientations and doctrine, military structures, and patterns of civil-military relations to conform to the expectations of the Atlantic and European communities. Both nations’ armed services and their respective ministries have abandoned old national security and defence strategies based upon nation state threats and both have substantially downsized their military force structures. Croatia, however, has been much more successful than Serbia in building a professional, modern force that contributes to collective security in the region and it has made considerably more progress in articulating a vision of the future and in transforming civil-military relations to conform to the needs and expectations of a democratic society. A comparison of the process of reform and transformation between these states indicates that the consensus among Croatia’s political leaders to stand by the transformation process and the lack of agreement among Serbia’s political leaders is the critical factor determining the relative success of the transformation process in civil-military relations in Serbia and Croatia.","hrcak.srce.hr/file/62597",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Serbia",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Shaw, Margaret",2013,"Addressing youth violence in cities and neighbourhoods","Ward, C.L., van der Merwe, A., Dawes, A","Youth violence: Sources and solutions in South Africa","Cape Town","UCT Press",null,null,"373-400","This chapter looks first at the important impactsof the local environment and social relations on young people as they grow up, and the constraints and opportunities afforded by rapidly expanding cities and urban areas. It then examines the principles that should guide interventions. The second part of the chapter considers some examples of effective intervention strategies from a number of cities and regions of the world that have some characteristics in common with South Africa. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of emerging approaches to the evaluation of the effectiveness of complex strategies in cities and neighbourhoods.","http://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/handle/11427/2422/Youth_Violence_Sources.pdf?sequence=1#page=390",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Siddiqi, Bilal",2012,"Enhancing legal Empowerment: Through Engagement with Customary Justice systems",null,null,"Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,null,"This is an evaluation of a \"community legal advisor\" (CLA) program that aims to increase access to justice by \"establishing credible transitional tools to help people identify appropriate dispute resolution venues.\" The CLA model stems from a successful and on-going pilot program conducted in the five southeastern counties of Liberia since October 2007. The Community Legal Advisors (CLAs) are individuals from local communities who have been given training in mediation, advocacy, domestic laws, and the roles of the different legal agencies. They are available at no cost to provide referrals, advice and advocacy, or to help disputants negotiate local problems. They provide an immediate alternative in the transitional period to other local justice mechanisms that may not be accessible or trusted by all. The program is supported by the Liberian Minister of Justice and other stakeholders in the justice sector.","http://www.idlo.org/Publications/BILALfinalReport.pdf","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Sieder, Rachel and Sierra, Maria Teresa",2010,"Indigenous women's access to justice in Latin America",null,"CMI Working Paper 2010:2",null,"Chr. Michelsen Institute",null,null,null,"This paper gives an overview of the challenges which indigenous women in Latin America face in accessing both formal state justice and indigenous legal systems, including a focus on normative frameworks, legal awareness, access to appropriate justice forums and the achievement of satisfactory remedies. It also highlights promising examples of how different actors within civil society and governments are taking steps to improve indigenous women's access to justice in different contexts. It draws out the key lessons and challenges from these approaches in order to make recommendations on how this work can best be supported.","http://www.columbia.edu/cu/cser/issp/files/bibliography2013/Sieder-Sierra%20CMI%20working%20paper%20Nov2010[1].pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Sierra, Maria Teresa",2010,"Indigenous justice faces the state: the community police force in Guerrero, Mexico",null,"NACLA Report on the Americas",null,null,43,5,34,"Today, within the context of the country’s national security crisis—28,000 killed in the last four years as a result of narco-violence— the community police of Guerrero stand out for demonstrating the possibility of addressing crime, confronting insecurity, and working for peace when the force of a community and its cultural identities are mobilized to weave the social fabric. They also reveal the ineffectiveness of Mexico’s much publicized Indigenous Rights Law of 2001, which does not recognize the autonomy that the country’s indigenous peoples continue to demand.","https://nacla.org/article/indigenous-justice-faces-state-community-police-force-guerrero-mexico",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mexico",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Simons, Greg",2012,"Security Sector Reform and Georgia: the European Union's challenge in the Southern Caucasus",null,"European Security",null,null,21,2,"272-293","Security Sector Reform (SSR) holds different meanings and hence varying implications for recipients and donors. Therefore, as an initial point of departure it is necessary to offer a more precise understanding of what can the European Union (EU) offer as a donor to recipient nations in need of SSR? The empirical case of Georgia presents an interesting and challenging case for SSR. There have been a number of domestic and international conflicts in the post-Soviet era, which has left a volatile legacy. There needs to be a cautious and long-term approach that balances what Georgia needs and wants with what the EU can offer. Rather than a narrow approach to the SSR programme, a broader and more encompassing assistance needs to be undertaken in order to affect a more stable and sustainable change. This process shall require talking and offering, but also listening to what Georgian officials request and desire.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2012.665887",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Georgia",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Skinner, Marcus",2008,"Counterinsurgency and state building: An assessment of the role of the Afghan National Police",null,"Democracy and Security",null,null,4,3,"290-311","Afghanistan's police reform has left much of the population without basic internal security. The consequences for government support, levels of illegitimate economic activity and support to insurgents are grave. Counter-insurgency theory teaches us the need for domestic day-to-day security to win the support of the people and undermine insurgents. Taking this into account, and considering the current declining security situation in Afghanistan, it is vital that a reinvigorated approach to police reform and training is adopted. This must provide people with the protection and security in their everyday lives, not simply establish force to be deployed in military counterinsurgency.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17419160802473448",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Slamet, Nancy",2008,"Civil Society and Security Sector Reform in Indonesia: 1998-2006, summary",null,"Taking Stock of the Effectiveness of Civil Society Organization Advocacy Strategies in Security Sector Reform in Indonesia 1998-2006","Quebec, Canada","Rights & Democracy (International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development)",null,null,"1934-01-01","In January 2006, a group of Indonesian civil society organizations (CSOs) and security sector reform (SSR) networks from Europe, Canada and the United States gathered in The Hague, Netherlands to review the progress of SSR in Indonesia. One of the conclusions of the meeting was that a comprehensive study of the achievements, constraints and opportunities of civil society advocacy on SSR in Indonesia was needed. Meeting participants thought that this research would be helpful for the development of future CSO advocacy strategies, and provide important and timely information for the general public, the Government of Indonesia, policymakers, and other SSR stakeholders in Indonesia and the international community. This paper is an executive summary of the resultant study, or “stock taking,” carried out by the Institute for Defense Security and Peace Studies (Jakarta), with support from Rights & Democracy (Montreal). The study examined Indonesian CSO efforts to promote SSR from the beginning of the reform era in 1998 until 2006. In order to examine the dynamics and degree of change during this period, the research focused on security sector policies and laws that have been adopted, as well as legislation that is still being developed and deliberated.","http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2012/dd-rd/E84-32-2008-eng.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Smith-Höhn, Judy",2010,"Rebuilding the Security Sector in Post-Conflict Societies: Perceptions from Urban Liberia and Sierra Leone",null,null,"Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"Applying a human security perspective, this volume raises important issues relating to gaps between SSR ‘design’ and how individuals and communities experience security in practice. It also constructively identifies policy options that are particularly relevant given the long term nature of the SSR processes in both Liberia and Sierra Leone. An analytical approach that asks questions of individual citizens on how they experience security helps to move the notion of human security from concept to lived experience. Moreover, the prominence of the informal security sector in both settings – from community watch groups to private security companies – provides empirical evidence to support those analysts and practitioners that call for the role such actors play in security sector governance frameworks within many national settings to be properly acknowledged.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35884/526985/file/Smith-H%C3%B6hn.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone; Liberia",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Smith-Höhn, Judy",2010,"Transformation through Participation: Public Perceptions in Liberia and Sierra Leone","Bryden, Alan and Olonisakin, Funmi","Security Sector Transformation in Africa","Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,"89-110","Sierra Leone and Liberia both recently emerged from over a decade of civil war, which left their security infrastructure and policing mechanisms in shambles. Generally, efforts undertaken to rebuild the security sector have centred on re-establishing the state’s monopoly on the use of force, ignoring the potential of non-state policing structures to play a key role in this regard. This corresponds with the academic focus on strategies undertaken by external or state actors in ensuring the survival of the local population, while giving little attention to the efforts made by locals themselves to survive in such hostile situations. Moreover, one key criterion for determining the efficacy – and hence incorporation into reform efforts – of policing structures tends to be ignored, namely whether those for whom the security provision is intended actually feel protected. This is the starting point for this chapter, which attempts to fill the gap by presenting empirical evidence from Liberia and Sierra Leone of local perceptions of the policing structures citizens rely upon for security, including not only external and state but also local, non-state actors. As the title suggests, the chapter will explore the relevance of local perceptions of a given security situation for successful security sector transformation in these two post-conflict societies. The main focus is on the consequences of a lack of state monopoly on the use of force following state failure, particularly in view of the emergence of alternative non-state security actors, and the impact of international involvement on the control of violence.","http://www.dcaf.ch/content/download/35830/526877/file/Yearly%20Book.pdf",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Sierra Leone; Liberia",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Snowden, John A",2012,"Work in Progress: Security Force Development in South Sudan through February 2012",null,null,"Geneva","Small Arms Survey",null,null,null,"The security forces of the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) are engaged in reform and development processes to improve their ability to respond to current and emerging threats, while facing a lack of resources and growing pressures to be more professional, affordable, and accountable. The objectives, strategies, and plans for reform and development are the subject of numerous policy documents produced in the pre- and post-independence periods. A major challenge for the security forces will be to successfully implement reforms and development plans, while conducting real-time operations and coping with mounting day-to-day management issues. This Working Paper reviews the recent evolution of the security forces, especially during the last two years. It considers current and evolving threats, including border conflict with the Government of Sudan (GoS), militia and proxy forces, inter- and intra-ethnic fighting, and security force cohesion. It looks at development challenges, including competition for resources and a lack of individual capacity. It also examines outdated mindsets and conflicting priorities.","http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/working-papers/HSBA-WP-27-Security-Force-Development-in-South-Sudan.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Sudan",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Soares, Yuri Suarez Dillon, et al.",2010,"The Impact of Improving Access to Justice on Conflict Resolution: Evidence from Peru",null,null,null,"Inter-American Development Bank, Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE)",null,null,null,"During the 1990s Peru greatly expanded access to formal judicial services in underserved districts through the construction and staffing of justice modules--physical structures which housed courts, prosecutors and public defenders. The intervention was designed to improve judicial coverage for populations located far from important urban centers where most of the courts are located. Using a specialized survey and matching techniques, we find that improving access to formal justice significantly shifts the resolution of conflicts away from informal mechanisms and toward the newly provided formal mechanisms; increases the use of complementary services, such as the use of lawyers; improves the perception of residents regarding social mores and the law; and ultimately marginally reduces the incidence of self-reported conflicts. We find evidence that the treatment also improves outcomes for residents in the area of child support conflicts, although in other types of conflicts we find no impact on outcomes.","http://idbdocs.iadb.org/WSDocs/getdocument.aspx?docnum=35586312",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Peru",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Solomon, Hussein",2013,"The African state and the failure of US counter-terrorism initiatives in Africa: The cases of Nigeria and Mali",null,"South African Journal of International Affairs",null,null,20,3,"427-445","Counter-terrorism initiatives are failing across the African continent. A major reason for this failure lies in the state-centric and military-focused nature of many counter-terrorism initiatives. In Africa, the state is often the source of insecurity for ordinary citizens. Any military strengthening of an illegitimate African state by the international community not only serves to bolster a predatory state but also undermines the human security of citizens. More importantly, such an approach conflates sub-state and international terrorism and serves to bolster the latter, thereby undermining regional and international security further. Put simply, current counter-terrorism initiatives are counter-productive. This paper focuses on counter-terrorism efforts in Nigeria and Mali with a special focus on US initiatives to combat terrorism in the region.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2013.841804",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Nigeria and Mali","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Stahlberg, Stephanie Gimenez",2011,"The Pacification of Favelas in Rio de Janeiro",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Urban violence has been a serious problem in Brazil for the last half-century, and the famous city of Rio de Janeiro has been no exception. In a country where homicides are the number one cause of death for 15-44-year-olds (UNHCR 2007), Rio has one of the highest homicide rates in Brazil. The situation in Rio is even deadlier than in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: between 1948 and 1999, an estimated thirteen thousand people were killed in the Middle Eastern conflict, while more than forty-eight thousand people died from firearm-related injuries in Rio between 1979 and 2000 (Dowdney, 2003 in Neat and Platt, 2006 p. 116). That is almost four times as many deaths in a period that was twenty years shorter. Most of the violent crimes in Rio occur in poor slum areas called favelas in Portuguese. These favela communities are at the center of my research because they are the hosts of a remarkable policing experiment taking place right now.","http://iis-db.stanford.edu/evnts/6716/Stahlberg,_Stephanie_-_Pacification_of_Favelas_in_Rio_de_Janeiro_(Work_in_Progress).pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Brazil",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Stapleton, Adam",2010,"Empowering the Poor to Access Criminal Justice: A Grassroots Perspective",null,"Legal Empowerment: Practitioners' Perspectives","Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,39,"This paper documents the origins, evolution, strategy and impact of the Paralegal Advisory Service (PAS) in Malawi, which is now emulated in several other countries. PAS is significant not simply because its model has been adapted across Africa and more recently in Bangladesh, but because it represents a low-cost method of providing effective legal advice and assistance for ordinary people in conflict with criminal law.","http://www.idlo.org/publications/LEWP/LEWP_Stapleton.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Malawi, Kenya and Uganda",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Stepputat, Finn",2013,"Whole-of-Government Approaches to Fragile States and Situations",null,"DIIS Report","Copenhagen, Denmark","Danish Institute for International Studies",null,null,null,"This DIIS report looks into donors' experience with such approaches as documented in recent evaluations. Based on these evaluations the report suggests that there is a need to better grasp the trade-offs between political, security and development objectives as well as the consequences of the choices made. Furthermore the report questions one of the assumptions behind attempts to forge Whole-of-Government approaches, namely that development aid can help improving security and stabilizing fragile situations. This can happen in some contexts where credible political settlements and transition plans exist. But in many other contexts, there is little evidence to suggest that improved service provision and short term reconstruction efforts necessarily lead to improved security for the population.","http://www.diis.dk/en/research/whole-of-government-approaches",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Stodiek, Thorsten",2009,"OSCE's police-related activities: Lessons-learned during the last decade",null,"Security and Human Rights",null,null,20,3,"201-211","While policing is widely recognized among the OSCE participating States as a major pillar of the organization’s comprehensive security concept, there has often been a disparity between the policing tasks and the available resources, along with a lack of stringent political guidance the participating States provided to the organization’s executive structures. These and a number of other challenges that have hampered the implementation of the OSCE’s police-related activities will be in the focus of this article. Furthermore, the article will describe a number of strategies, the OSCE’s executive structures have developed during the last tens years to cope with these challenges. The article will conclude with a brief outlook regarding the way forward.","www.shrblog.org/cms_file.php?fromDB=17&forceDownload",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Stojanović, Sonja and Quesada, Kathrin",2010,"Gender and Security Sector Reform in Serbia",null,null,"Geneva","Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces",null,null,null,"The report, co-drafted by the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (formerly known as the Centre for Civil-Military Relations) and the Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence with the support of DCAF, presents the findings of the needs assessment on gender and SSR in Serbia.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/4954/43684/file/2010%20Gender%20and%20SSR%20in%20Serbia_EN.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Serbia",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Suma, Mohamed",2014,"Sierra Leone - Justice Sector and the Rule of Law",null,null,"Dakar","The Open Society Initiative for West Africa",null,null,null,"The study's objective is to identify opportunities and highlight challenges in the justice sector in Sierra Leone, in line with the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project's overall objectives to monitor observance of acceptable standards and commitments relating to participatory democracy, transparent and accountable governance, human rights, the rule of law and public service delivery by African states.","http://issat.dcaf.ch/content/download/48039/758786/file/Sierra%20Leone%20Justice.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Sierra Leone",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x"]
["Sumner, Cate and Lindsey, Tim",2011,"Courting reform: Indonesia's islamic courts and justice for the poor",null,"International Journal for Court Administration",null,null,4,1,"2016-03-01","This paper documents a judicial reform case study in Indonesia that has involved increasing access to the courts for disadvantaged groups, principally women, the poor and those living in remote areas.","http://www.iaca.ws/files/12-2011-CourtingReform-Sumner_Lindsey.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Sumner, Cate and Zurstrassen, Matthew",2011,"Increasing Access to Justice for Women, the Poor, and Those Living in Remote Areas: An Indonesian Case Study",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"This briefing note is a joint product of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID), the World Bank East Asia and Pacific-Justice for the Poor (EAP-J4P) Initiative, and the Family Court of Australia. It was written by Cate Sumner, Lead Adviser Judicial Reform/Access to Justice for AusAID's Indonesia Australia Partnership for Justice (Transition) project and its predecessor, Indonesia Australia Legal Development Facility, and Matthew Zurstrassen, former Social Development Specialist and Team Leader, Justice for the Poor Program, World Bank, Indonesia, with Leisha Lister, Executive Advisor in the Family Court of Australia. The Justice for the Poor program also receives support from the Government of the Netherlands.","http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2011/03/16/000356161_20110316053255/Rendered/PDF/602130BRI0P1171l60Issue203110111web.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Svoboda, Eva",2013,"The search for common ground: Police, protection and coordination in Timor-Leste",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"What is the role of international police in transitional settings? This report examines international police engagement in Timor-Leste, the evolution of policing in UN missions between 1999 and 2012, impact on development of the National Police of Timor-Leste, and interaction between civilian and military actors, particularly during the humanitarian response to the violence in 2006.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8783.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Tadros, Mariz",2014,"Reclaiming the Streets for Women's Dignity: Effective Initiatives in the Struggle against Gender-Based Violence in between Egypt's Two Revolutions",null,"Evidence Report","Brighton","IDS",null,48,35,"This paper is about the struggle to combat gender-based violence in public space in Egypt through the sustained collective action of vigilante groups who organically formed to respond to the increasing encroachment on women in public space from 2011 onwards. The study examines the emergence of a distinct form of collective action (informal youth-led activism aimed at addressing sexual violence in public space) at a very distinct historical juncture in the country's history: the phase after the ousting of President Mubarak in February 2011 through what became known as the 25th of January Revolution and up to the ousting of President Morsi in what became controversially known as the 30th of June Revolution of 2013.","http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/3384/ER48.pdf;jsessionid=C392610CCF8C723CFDEADBC8562DD233?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Egypt",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Tholens, Simone",2012,"Which and whose authority? EU support to security governance in Aceh",null,"European Security",null,null,21,2,"294-309","This article focuses on the use of informal justice systems to support Community Based Policing with the aim to create legitimacy between state and society in post-conflict processes. It analyses the EU's involvement in reviving the customary justice system adat in Aceh, Indonesia in order to discern how the concept of authority is mediated from an international organisation to local stakeholders via Security Sector Reform (SSR). The article operates with three conceptions of authority present in situations of security sector assistance: modern, postmodern and traditional. It explores the different faces of authority present in the case of Aceh, and unravels which and whose authority the EU propagates through its support to SSR. The article finds potentially contradictory processes at work, and highlights the need for more research on the use of informal justice systems within SSR.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2012.665888",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Indonesia",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x"]
["Thruelsen, Peter Dahl",2010,"Striking the right balance: how to rebuild the Afghan National Police",null,"International Peacekeeping",null,null,17,1,"80-92","A well-trained, professional police force dedicated to upholding the rule of law and trusted by the population is essential to fighting the insurgency in Afghanistan and creating stability. However, the police programmes in Afghanistan have often been dominated by different national agendas and hampered by too few resources and lack of strategic guidance. These issues pose an enormous challenge for the Afghan government and the international community in rebuilding the police. This article argues that it is imperative that the international effort strike a balance between the short-term needs of fighting an insurgency and the long-term needs of establishing an effective sustainable policing capability when building up the police force – and that the process must not be subject merely to satisfying current security challenges or traditional state-building needs.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533311003589231",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Tjønneland, Elling N, et al.",2009,"Promoting defence management and security sector reform in Southern Africa. An assessment of SADSEM's achievements, impacts and future challenges",null,null,"Bergen","Chr. Michelsen Institute",null,null,null,"This is a report from an independent evaluation of the Southern African Defence and Security Management Network (SADSEM). It was commissioned by the network through the University of the Witwatersrand and was carried out by the Chr. Michelsen Institute in Norway in cooperation with a team of consultants from Southern Africa. The objectives of the study were to provide an assessment of the achievements and impact of SADSEM’s activities as well as to assess how changing external environmental factors may impact on the strategic approach and priorities of SADSEM. A main purpose was to undertake a study which could assist SADSEM in its strategic planning for a new phase of the programme. The study was conducted between October 2008 and February 2009. It included data collection and visits to SADSEM partners in 9 SADC countries. Nearly 150 people were interviewed. A tracer study of former course participants was also undertaken with a distribution of a questionnaire to a sample of 290 persons in 10 countries.","http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/3371-promoting-defence-management-and-security-sector.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Tondini, Matteo",2009,"Justice Sector Reform in Afghanistan: From a 'Lead Nation' Approach to a 'Mixed Ownership' Regime?",null,"Transition Studies Review",null,null,15,4,"660-673","The article describes the policy-making structure which governs the reform of justice in Afghanistan. It is characterized by an evolution from a bilateral to a multilateral approach, aimed at increasing the Afghan ownership. However, observing the system ‘from within’, it seems currently ruled by a mixed regime, being still deeply influenced by external inputs. As a consequence, the final outcome of the process remains uncertain.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11300-008-0041-2",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Tzvetkov, Georgi",2014,"Defense Policy and Reforms in Bulgaria since the End of the Cold War: A Critical Analysis",null,"Connections: The Quarterly Journal",null,null,13,2,65,"After the disintegration of the communist system in Eastern Europe the former communist countries had to make an unprecedented transition to a “normal” society. Having been diverted from their natural path of development, with limited private property and political rights, these countries had to once again begin following the European path of development. Transforming the defense sectors in these societies was a crucial challenge. Yet there were complications in the sphere of defense transformation because of the overlapping of three transitions. The first was the shift from armies established as support for the communist regime to professional military organizations subject to civilian control.[1] The second was the transition from mass conventional armies that were established to fight in World War III, which was never waged, to militaries that were relatively limited in their number of troops, the main purpose of which is to participate in a broad spectrum of operations beyond national boundaries. The third transition was that from a reliance on large quantities of Soviet equipment—most of it relatively cheap and easy to produce and maintain—to advanced, high-quality (and expensive) Western equipment. These transitions took place in a context of economic crises (of different magnitude) caused by the clash between planned economies and free market realities, when there were still groups in society that were not willing to give up the communist system easily. Bulgaria was one of the states that faced the steepest challenges. The supporters of the communist regime were many and they were strong. There were, however, objective limitations to Bulgaria’s transition as well – the economy was not competitive enough, and the country had to cope with the burden of significant loans. In the military sphere, an additional challenge was what many considered as Bulgaria’s “natural” distrust for Turkey, along with strong pro-Russian affiliations. Despite that, Bulgaria has become part of the European Union, and its armed forces are constantly increasing their preparedness to operate jointly with the armies of NATO and the EU member states. Even though Bulgaria is not the best example of how defense transformation should be carried out, its experience can be a valuable source of lessons for other states facing similar challenges.","http://procon.bg/system/files/13.2.04_tzvetkov.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"Bulgaria",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ubink, Janine",2011,"Gender Equality on the Horizon? The Case of Uukwambi Traditional Authority, Northern Namibia",null,null,"Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,null,"Legal development cooperation increasingly emphasizes that legal empowerment can only be achieved when reforms incorporate customary justice systems. This brings to the fore pertinent questions regarding the alignment of these systems with human rights standards. A typical concern is that customary justice systems often lack gender equality. The dominance of men in all three interwoven domains of customary rule — leadership, dispute settlement and normative content — raises questions on how the inclusion of women in customary structures of administrative and judicial decision-making might be facilitated, and how customary norms can be modified so that they better protect women and their livelihoods. To gain insight into these questions, this chapter explores a range of activities undertaken by the Traditional Authority of Uukwambi in northern Namibia to eliminate the severe gender inequality inherent in its system of customary justice and administration. These activities include the installation of women traditional leaders, the promotion of women’s active participation in traditional court meetings, and the modification of customary norms that were detrimental to the position of women. The research data collected indicates that these steps led to certain positive changes in customary practice, including the near complete eradication of ‘property grabbing’ and increased participation of women in traditional courts. Although the shift in mindsets needed for gender equality is still incomplete, the initiatives undertaken have enhanced the fairness and equity of traditional rule and customary dispute settlement.","http://kms1.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/137062/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/456fdcf0-c55c-4c09-a686-794b7b22b074/en/ubink_final.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Namibia",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["UNDP",2012,"Assessment of Development Results: Evaluation of UNDP Contribution - Liberia",null,null,"New York","United Nations Development Programme",null,null,null,"The ADR covers the period of 2003-2011, a particularly important time for Liberia, where the UNDP programme has operated in the context of one of the pioneering integrated United Nations peacekeeping missions. UNDP has provided support through multiple phases of the post-conflict period, from urgent assistance during the initial humanitarian response period to progressively more development oriented assistance as reconciliation and rebuilding progressed. The UNDP programme has been of significant importance in each of the thematic areas key to Liberia's transition from a protracted period of armed conflict and civil war to sustainable peace and development. This evaluation highlights the successes of UNDP support, but it also identifies ways in which the organization could have improved its performance. The lessons drawn are not only of value to Liberia, but also to future UNDP assistance provided in other integrated peacekeeping missions.","http://www.oecd.org/derec/undp/liberia.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Liberia",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Ungar, Mark and Salomón, Leticia",2012,"Community policing in Honduras: local impacts of a national programme",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,22,1,"28-42","Honduras has a tradition of strong citizen involvement in security, from its local Citizen Security Comités to its nacional community policing programme. Such efforts have allowed the police strengthen their effectiveness and credibility by better understanding citizens and their security concerns. Community policing has certainly produced more positive than negative results, which gives it further stimulus to expand and improve. But many difficulties remain, particularly a chronic lack of personnel, training and equipment that reveal a questionable commitment by the rest of the police and government. But as CMS's tangible improvements gradually broaden citizen involvement, community policing may be able to withstand such obstacles and build a better form of policing in Honduras.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2011.605136",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Honduras",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["UNODC",2009,"International cooperation for the improvement of access to legal aid in criminal justice systems, particularly in Africa",null,null,"Vienna","United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime",null,null,null,"The aim of this survey is to provide a snapshot of access to legal aid in Africa. The purpose is to provide practitioners and policymakers with accurate and contemporary data to inform the development of legal aid strategies. The survey was conducted as part of the implementation of Economic and Social Council resolution 2007/24, entitled “International cooperation for the improvement of access to legal aid in criminal justice systems, particularly in Africa”.","https://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/Survey_Report_on_Access_to_Legal_Aid_in_Africa.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["USAID",2012,"USAID/GUATEMALA FINAL PERFORMANCE EVALUATION FOR THE PROJECT AGAINST VIOLENCE AND IMPUNITY (PAVI)",null,null,"Washington D.C.","USAID",null,null,null,"In October 2012, Rivera Cira Consulting, Inc. (RCC) was contracted to carry out a performance evaluation of the USAID/Guatemala Project Against Violence and Impunity (PAVI) and to provide recommendations for future USAID programming in justice and security. PAVI was implemented by Tetra Tech DPK from September 2009 to June 2012. For this evaluation, the RCC team reached 115 persons in interviews and focus groups.","http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/pdacu766.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Guatemala",null,"x","x",null,"x","x","x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["USAID",2013,"Audit of USAID's Albanian Justice Sector Strengthening Project",null,null,"Washington D.C.","USAID",null,null,null,"USAID launched the Albanian Justice Sector Strengthening (JuST) Project in October 2010 to improve the performance of the Albanian justice sector and strengthen the watchdog and anticorruption role of civic organizations and the media. To implement it, the mission awarded a 5-year (October 2010-September 2015) cost-plus-fixed-fee contract of about $9 million to Chemonics International Inc. As of March 31, 2013, midway through the contract, the mission had obligated about $6.2 million and spent about $4.1 million on the project. The Performance Audits Division of the Office of Inspector General (OIG) conducted this audit to determine whether the project is contributing to the three IRs by improving the enabling environment for policy reform and planning, enhancing transparency and citizen oversight, and upgrading performance and management capabilities in the justice sector. We found that the project made significant contributions to these IRs by implementing a number of targeted activities.","http://oig.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/audit-reports/9-182-13-004-p.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Albania",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["USAID",2013,"Mid-Term Performance Evaluation of USAID/Georgia Judicial Independence and Legal Empowerment Project (JILEP)",null,null,"Washington D.C.","USAID",null,null,null,"This is a report on the mid-term performance evaluation of the Judicial Independence and Legal Empowerment Project (JILEP) funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Mission in Georgia. JILEP is being implemented during the period September 24, 2010 - September 24, 2014, by the East-West Management Institute (EWMI).","http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/pdacy458.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"Georgia",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Vásquez, JC Ruiz",2012,"Community police in Colombia: an idle process",null,"Policing and Society",null,null,22,1,"43-56","Bogota's community policing programme is often cited as a successful or at least illustrative example of the modernisation of police forces in Latin America. However, we lack a rigorous evaluation of its scope and outcomes. Although the Bogota community police project was one of the first programmes implemented on the continent and employs one of the largest number of officers, it never seems to have been completely integrated into the inner workings of the police department, and this has reduced its chances of success. Although there are community police platoons in the vast majority of Colombia’s Departments/ Provinces some of its founding purposes have been sidetracked due to the armed conflict in the country and the higher-ups within the institution have not given it sufficient importance beyond lip service. This analysis maintains that the limitations of this community model can be found in its attempt to retain a certain level of independence in the face of other institutional actors and the community at large. The possibility of losing prerogatives and authority has limited any and all attempts at transforming the institution. Given that a community oriented police force requires greater community oversight and supervision of the police and that beat officers must have greater on-the-job autonomy and discretion, this project does not fit well into an extremely hierarchical institution that has huge gaps between its higher officials and beat officers and that seeks to control the decision-making process regarding safety policies. This article, for all of these reasons, offers a discussion of Colombia’s community police programme within the context of the role it plays and the place it occupies within the broader police organisation in light of that institution’s history, culture and ethos.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2011.597855",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Colombia",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Veldman, Muriel and Lankhorst, Marco",2011,"Legal Empowerment and Customary Law in Rwanda: Report of a Pilot Project Concerning Community Level Dispute Resolution and Women's Land Rights",null,null,"Rome","International Development Law Organization",null,null,null,"This report presents the results of a 10-month pilot project conducted in North-Western Rwanda that aimed to explore fruitful ways to engage with customary law in order to empower rural communities and rural women in particular. The focus is on the effectiveness of land dispute resolution at the community level and the respect for women's formally guaranteed land rights by the institutions involved.","http://www.rcn-ong.be/IMG/pdf/Etude_IDLO-RCN_Rwanda-2.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Vrajolli, Mentor",2011,"Gender representation in the Kosovo Security Sector",null,"Western Balkans Security Observer",null,null,null,19,"58-67","The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate the representation of women in the security sector in Kosovo. Indeed democratization of the security sector requires significant inclusion of women. However, it is of crucial importance to evaluate progress in order for the reader to gain understanding of this matter. This paper aims to assess the quality of women’s involvement in the security sector from the following perspective: the quality of the legal framework; the trend of inclusion of women in the security sector; the treatment of women in the security sector; and in the end to draw conclusions about indicators highlighting the position of women in this sector","http://mercury.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ISN/131389/ichaptersection_singledocument/220093f7-cc89-4321-b6fe-f841e29fb6bb/en/ch_6.pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"Kosovo",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Walby, Kevin and Monaghan, Jeffrey",2011,"Haitian Paradox or Dark Side of the Security-Development Nexus? Canada's Role in the Securitization of Haiti, 2004-2009",null,"Alternatives: Global, Local, Political",null,"Sage Publications, Inc.",36,4,"273-287","Drawing on analysis of government records obtained using Access to Information Act requests, the author examines the securitization of Canada's aid program to Haiti between 2004 and 2009. The author discusses how Canadian agencies, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), Correctional Service of Canada (CSC), and the Canadian International Development Agency, were involved in capacity-building initiatives that focused on police reform, border surveillance, and prison construction/refurbishment across Haiti in the aftermath of a coup that ousted the democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The author demonstrates how these efforts at securitization resulted in what officials referred to as the \"Haitian Paradox,\" whereby reorganization of the Haitian National Police force led to higher arrest rates and jail bloat, creating conditions that violated rather than ameliorated human rights. While the securitization project may have been based on the rule of law and human rights in Canadian policy makers' official discourse, in practice these securitization efforts exacerbated jail overcrowding, distrust of police, and persecution of political opposition. The author therefore demonstrates one way that international development, aid, and criminal justice intersect, with emphasis on the transnational aspects of RCMP and CSC activities.","http://www.jstor.org/stable/23210915",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Haiti",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Waldorf, Lars",2015,"Introduction: legal empowerment in transitions",null,"The International Journal of Human Rights",null,null,19,3,"229-241","Despite the growing attention to and burgeoning literature on legal empowerment, there has been surprisingly little focus on how it might promote greater social justice during political transitions from authoritarianism and from conflict. Such transitions can provide opportunities for challenging structural inequalities and for promoting legal mobilisation. This introductory article provides an overview of legal empowerment before examining its links to peacebuilding and transitional justice.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2015.1029335",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Walsh, Barry",2010,"In Search of Success: Case Studies in Justice Sector Development in Sub-Saharan Africa",null,null,"Washington D.C.","World Bank",null,null,null,"Improving effective access to justice in sub-Saharan Africa has been a goal of international donor agencies for over 30 years. It has naturally also been a foremost concern of governments in sub–Saharan Africa, particularly those that seek to foster economic growth and democratic governance for their countries. Along with many other social ills, poverty and authoritarianism usually work against access to justice by distorting the ease with which citizens may be able to know of, assert and enforce their rights and obligations. Improving access to justice usually implies the need to increase knowledge of how the law may be properly used, to increase the mechanisms for applying the law effectively and to expand the range of citizens who actually benefit from their legal system. Reform or change projects funded by donors and governments typically attempt to produce these kinds of improvements, either by helping to educate the general community about the law or by strengthening justice sector institutions, including nongovernment or civil society organisations (CSOs) that participate in the workings of the justice system. In 2008 the World Bank and the UK Department for International Development (DFID) agreed to collaborate in identifying examples that could inform donor agencies and governments alike, while contributing to the work of legal scholars and other academics, students and CSOs active in rule of law reform in Africa. This collection of case studies or stories in the following eight chapters was compiled to support the development of such learning by examining examples of notable justice sector change programs that appear to offer useful lessons.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/2912/574450ESW0P1121n0Africa010June02010.pdf?sequence=1",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Wardak, Ali",2011,"State and Non-State Justice Systems in Afghanistan: The Need for Synergy",null,"University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Law",null,null,33,null,1145,"This Article argues that a post-Taliban justice system, built on a meaningful synergy between state and non-state justice institutions, has a very strong potential for providing accessible, effective, cost-effective and transparent justice to all sections of the Afghan society.","https://www.law.upenn.edu/journals/jil/articles/volume32/issue5/Wardak32U.Pa.J.Int'lL.1305(2011).pdf",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Wardak, Ali and Hamidzada, Humayun",2012,"The search for legitimate rule, justice and a durable peace: Hybrid models of governance in Afghanistan",null,"Journal of Peacebuilding & Development",null,null,7,2,"79-88","Despite notable setbacks and expected challenges, Afghanistan has witnessed marked progress since the arrival of foreign forces and significantly increased aid flows in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks on the United States. Understood by few external observers, Afghanistan can attribute some of its progress in recent years to a nationally driven and internationally supported effort to encourage what are often termed in the literature on fragile and conflict-affected states as ‘hybrid models of governance’. By encouraging representation and the participation of a range of old and new – as well as formally elected and informally revered – authority figures simultaneously, Afghans have initiated a long-term process of building capable, legitimate, and modern institutions of selfgovernance","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2012.743823",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Wassel, Todd",2014,"Institutionalising community policing in Timor-Leste: police development in Asia's youngest country",null,null,"London","Overseas Development Institute",null,null,null,"As part of ODI's Securing Communities project, which aims to understand different models of community policing around the world, this case study examines the development of community policing policy and practice in Timor-Leste. As with the Securing Communities project more broadly, the focus is on the diversity of objectives, approaches and methods of community policing, the 'messy politics' of its development and what this means for those who aim to support this policing model. This case study examines some key features of community policing policy development and practice in Timor-Leste.","http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/8841.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Watkins, Amadeo",2010,"Security sector reform and donor assistance in Serbia 2000-2010",null,null,"Brussels","Initiative for Peacebuilding",null,null,null,"This Country Case Study on Serbia will focus mainly on the policies and approaches that have been pursued by the EU (and other) institutions and Member States in Serbia’s Security Sector Reform (SSR)1 process. More specifically, the case study provides a critical assessment of the past ten years of assistance provided to this important sector and tries to answer the following two questions: • What is the role of external donor assistance in SSR in Serbia? • Are there ways to further improve such assistance in the future, especially in terms of effectiveness and efficiency?","http://www.initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/pdf/Serbia_Report_Feb.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","Serbia",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x"]
["Weeks, Gregory",2008,"A Preference for Deference: reforming the military's intelligence role in Argentina, Chile and Peru",null,"Third World Quarterly",null,null,29,1,"45-61","In the past decade an effort to reform the military's role in defence institutions such as intelligence services has been underway across Latin America. Utilising the cases of Argentina, Chile and Peru, this article will argue that reform has occurred, but has been limited in terms of expanding civilian authority, and will offer a means of understanding the dynamics of intelligence reform. In particular, incentives for civilians to pursue complicated reform have been absent. The military's proven ability to operate its own intelligence agencies constitutes a disincentive. To examine the dynamics of reform, the analysis centres on three variables: the number of institutions involved in overseeing intelligence, the degree of presidential control, and whether military intelligence activities are overseen by the civilian government.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590701726467",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Argentina; Chile; Peru",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Weiss, Anita M",2012,"Moving forward with the legal empowerment of women in Pakistan",null,null,null,"United State Institute of Peace",null,null,null,"There are a variety of contexts in which the empowerment of women in Pakistan can be considered, but none is more critical than law: How women’s legal rights are framed is fundamental to considering how best to advance women’s empowerment. After situating women’s legal rights in Pakistan, this Special Report reviews key features of recent legislation affecting women’s rights, explores the controversies surrounding this legislation, and elaborates on ongoing challenges to develop further legislation, particularly in light of opposition from Islamist groups. While the legal empowerment of women in Pakistan has seen progress, far more must be done to enable the laws passed to be implemented, bring Pakistan into conformity with the goals and ideals of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and secure an environment where women in Pakistan have viable choices in their own lives.","http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR305.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Pakistan",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["Wells, Sarah, et al.",2008,"Law and Reality: Progress in Judicial Reform in Rwanda",null,null,"New York","Human Rights Watch (HRW)",null,null,null,null,"https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/rwanda0708webwcover.pdf",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda",null,null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x"]
["White, Brent T",2009,"Rotten to the Core: Project Capture and the Failure of Judicial Reform in Mongolia",null,"East Asia Law Review",null,null,4,null,209,"Despite claims by international donor agencies that judicial reform efforts in Mongolia have been a great success, this Article argues that Mongolian courts continue to grossly lack integrity, transparency, and accountability—and are perceived by the Mongolian public as more corrupt today than when donorfunded judicial reform efforts began almost a decade ago. This Article further argues that the failure of judicial reform in Mongolia stems in significant part from the “capture” of donor-funded judicial reform efforts by elites within the Mongolian judicial sector. It concludes that the inherent tendency for project capture in the “institution-building” approach to judicial reform that international donor agencies favor should add to calls to limit the approach in favor of bottom-up efforts to push for meaningful judicial reform.","http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1508745_code575020.pdf?abstractid=1424184&mirid=1",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"Mongolia",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Wilén, Nina",2012,"A Hybrid Peace through Locally Owned and Externally Financed SSR-DDR in Rwanda?",null,"Third World Quarterly",null,"Taylor & Francis, Ltd.",33,7,"1323-1336","This article aims to critically examine Rwanda's security sector reform and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (SSR-DDR) process through a theoretical framework outlining four different models of peace processes in order to identify the sort of peace that can emerge from Rwanda's SSR-DDR approach. The author analyses how the Rwandan government has managed to keep the process 'locally' owned, while largely financed by external actors, despite strong criticism of its apparent lack of democratisation. The 'genocide credit', the Rwandan government's preference for national, rather than international solutions and its recent troop contribution to peacebuilding operations in the region are identified as the main reasons for this development. The paper argues that the peace emanating from the SSR-DDR process may be considered a hybrid form of state formation and state building, because of the local agency's preference for security and stability while simultaneously enjoying financial and technocratic support for its 'liberal' peacebuilding actions in the region.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2012.691833",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Rwanda",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Wilén, Nina",2013,"Identifying the spoilers in the security sector reform-disarmament demobilisation and reintegration process in the Congo",null,"Defense & Security Analysis",null,null,29,2,"117-127","The Congolese security sector reform – disarmament demobilisation and reintegration (SSRDDR) process has suffered from setbacks in its military sector during the last 10 years, such as insufficient funding, lack of coordination and domestic reluctance to major changes, with as a result, a very fragile and disjointed Army. These problems have deepened as officers have defected from the Army and caused new instability in the East of the Congo. This article aims to analyse the recent mutinies and the reaction by the Congolese government by applying a capabilities-based approach in combination with a typology of spoilers. The objective is to identify and classify the spoilers and answer the questions of why they emerge now and how they are dealt with on a national level. From the analysis, the author suggests that there are several spoilers involved in the current situation – the most powerful being the Congolese and the Rwandan governments, prompting the question of whether an international involvement is necessary to solve the problem.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2013.787792",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Democratic Republic of Congo",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Wilén, Nina",2014,"Security sector reform, gender and local narratives in Burundi",null,"Conflict, Security & Development",null,null,14,3,"331-354","This paper maps the difficulties with operationalising the gender discourse described in the peace accord and post-conflict documents, which guide Burundi's peace-building process, through local women's narratives from the security forces. The author claims that due to limited international and local investment, the local women involved in the security forces initiate small practical changes by referring to their vision of femininity, while theoretically legitimising these demands by linking them to the international human rights discourse in order to survive in an overwhelmingly masculine arena. International organisations and donors’ focus on traditionally feminine and softer areas, such as reconciliation and reintegration programmes, together with local elites’ tendency to view gender as an ‘add-on’ contribute to this development.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2014.923152",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Burundi",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x"]
["Wilson, Bu VE",2012,"To 2012 and Beyond: International Assistance to Police and Security Sector Development in Timor-Leste",null,"Asian Politics & Policy",null,null,4,1,"73-88","The United Nations (UN) has now been involved in the (re)construction of Timor-Leste’s police force on two occasions. Although initially hailed as a success, in 2006 a serious security and governance crisis looked set to unravel the country’s postindependence achievements, resulting in renewed international involvement in the security sector. However, many of the problems involved in constructing the Polícia Nacional Timor-Leste (PNTL) the first time have been faithfully reproduced the second time. The mandate to reconstruct the PNTL in 2006 was an opportunity for the UN to salvage its reputation for a job done poorly the first time, yet the significant lack of capacity and relationship in both the UN and the Timor-Leste government has meant little improvement in the PNTL. Arguably, the failure of the UN to construct a police force in Timor-Leste has far broader implications in police building globally.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01320.x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"Timor Leste",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Wilson, David B, et al.",2011,"The impact of police reform on communities of Trinidad and Tobago",null,"Journal of Experimental Criminology",null,null,7,4,"375-405","Reforms were implemented at five selected police stations in Trinidad and Tobago. The reforms were designed to improve the services delivered by police stations, to reduce crime, and to increase public confidence in the police. The intervention involved improving police facilities, vehicles, and equipment, and enhancing station staffing, training, and technical assistance to improve basic police work and station management/supervision. It introduced service-oriented, problem-solving approaches to replace the traditional colonial and post-colonial models of policing. Methods The evaluation of this intervention used a quasi-experimental comparison group design that included five comparison stations matched to the five model stations on crime and disorder. Face-to-face surveys were conducted with adults residing in the communities served by the model and comparison stations. Probability sampling of households was used to identify respondents. There were two waves of measurement, one before the start of the intervention and another one year later. Results Statistically significant results in the predicted direction were observed for five of 14 outcomes expected to changes as a result of the reforms: (a) customer orientation, (b) effective control of crime/gangs, (c) fear of crime, (d) perception of the crime problem in the neighborhood, and (e) perception of crime as the biggest problem in the community.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11292-011-9131-y","x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Trinidad and Tobago",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Wimpelmann, Torunn",2013,"Nexuses of knowledge and power in Afghanistan: the rise and fall of the informal justice assemblage",null,"Central Asian Survey",null,null,32,3,"406-422","This article explores Western attempts to strengthen mechanisms of informal justice in Afghanistan. It traces the origins and evolution of an ‘informal justice assemblage’: the constellation of specific expert discourses, institutional practices, and strategic considerations that made it possible and plausible that Western actors should promote and work with informal processes of justice. The article problematizes expert statements that posit that working with informal justice is somehow more ‘Afghan-led’ and less of an outside imposition than supporting the country’s formal justice system. To the contrary, this article details how – discursively and institutionally – academic authority about what is locally appropriate in practice served to foreclose national debate and scrutiny about the organization and administration of justice. This amounted to a net erosion of accountability, reinforced by the subsequent militarization of the justice sector and governance more broadly. In conclusion, the article calls for greater attention to the broader fields of power in which claims of sensitivity to the local sentiments and reality in Afghanistan are made.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2013.835200",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"Afghanistan",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Wiuff Moe, Louise",2011,"Hybrid and 'everyday' political ordering: constructing and contesting legitimacy in Somaliland",null,"The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law",null,null,43,63,"143-177","Through a case-study of Somaliland, this article examines the potentials and limits of such a hybrid approach to advancing peace and political order. The analysis in particular engages with the largely uncharted issue of how political legitimacy is constructed or undermined, in the context of post-conflict hybrid political orders. Somaliland’s reconstruction process was characterised by very low international intervention when compared to other so-called ‘fragile states’ and post-conflict settings. The article looks at how political institutions and structures of governance were constituted from withinSomaliland through local agencies and formation of alliances, which cut across the dichotomies of ‘state/non-state’ and ‘liberal/traditional’ forms of governance and legitimacy. It illustrates the advantages, as well as some of the challenges, of this process of political ordering and hybridization, where the domestic sphere was allowed to be constitutive for the creation of legitimacy.","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2011.10756660",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"Somalia",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,"x","x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Wood, Jennifer, et al.",2011,"Restorative justice and nodal governance",null,"International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice",null,null,35,1,"2018-01-01","To date, a key emphasis within the restorative justice movement has been on the ways in which its values can guide the system of “criminal justice”. In this paper we argue that this focus has limited our ability to recognize various ways in which such values are being promoted within forms of governance originating outside of state justice systems. Through an examination of one localized governance model in South Africa, we seek to demonstrate that restorative values are being promoted through distinct goals and mechanisms developed to suit micropolitical, cultural, and economic realities. We suggest that the need to discover, explain, and assess such mechanisms is important to the advancement of the security governance literature, especially in a manner that is both intellectually and practically relevant to societies with deficits in state governance. Our empirical focus is on Peace Committees in South African communities that are operating, to use Braithwaite’s terms, as forms of “responsive nodal governance” . Our depiction of these Committees raises both explanatory and normative questions that warrant further empirical study","http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01924036.2011.535686",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"South Africa",null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,null,null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,null,null,"x","x"]

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[null,"Evaluation",{"$f":"Database!R$3","v":24}]
[null,"Workshop or conference report",{"$f":"Database!S$3","v":2}]
[null,"Other report",{"$f":"Database!T$3","v":136}]
[{"$f":"Database!U1","v":"Publisher"}]
[null,"Academic organisation/think-tank",{"$f":"Database!U$3","v":278}]
[null,"Multi-lateral, bi-lateral or inter-governmental org",{"$f":"Database!V$3","v":45}]
[null,"National/host government organisation",{"$f":"Database!W$3","v":12}]
[null,"Non-governmental organisation",{"$f":"Database!X$3","v":47}]
[null,"Private/commercial organisation",{"$f":"Database!Y$3","v":5}]
[{"$f":"Database!Z1","v":"Geographic scope"}]
[null,"Multi-country",{"$f":"Database!Z$3","v":80}]
[null,"Single country",{"$f":"Database!AA$3","v":306}]
[]
[{"$f":"Database!AB1","v":"Thematic focus"}]
[null,"Defence",{"$f":"Database!AB3","v":76}]
[null,"Police",{"$f":"Database!AC3","v":170}]
[null,"Intelligence",{"$f":"Database!AD3","v":20}]
[null,"Border security",{"$f":"Database!AE3","v":6}]
[null,"Security and justice governance",{"$f":"Database!AF3","v":31}]
[null,"Multi-sectoral focus",{"$f":"Database!AG3","v":31}]
[null,"Non-state actors",{"$f":"Database!AH3","v":81}]
[null,"Justice sector reform",{"$f":"Database!AI$3","v":115}]
[null,"Access to Justice/Legal empowerment",{"$f":"Database!AJ$3","v":121}]
[null,"Prisons",{"$f":"Database!AK$3","v":35}]
[null,"Legal reform",{"$f":"Database!AL$3","v":93}]
[null,"Security promotion/Violence reduction",{"$f":"Database!AM$3","v":36}]
[null,"Urbanisation",{"$f":"Database!AN$3","v":5}]
[null,"Counter-terrorism",{"$f":"Database!AO$3","v":5}]
[null,"Organised crime",{"$f":"Database!AP$3","v":18}]
[]
[{"$f":"Database!AQ1","v":"Geographical focus"}]
[null,{"$f":"Database!AQ$5","v":"Global"},{"$f":"Database!AQ$3","v":31}]
[null,"Eastern Africa",{"$f":"Database!AR3","v":51}]
[null,"Middle Africa",{"$f":"Database!AS3","v":24}]
[null,"Southern Africa",{"$f":"Database!AT3","v":21}]
[null,"Northern Africa",{"$f":"Database!AU3","v":10}]
[null,"Western Africa",{"$f":"Database!AV3","v":71}]
[null,"Caribbean",{"$f":"Database!AW3","v":12}]
[null,"Central America",{"$f":"Database!AX3","v":22}]
[null,"South America",{"$f":"Database!AY3","v":26}]
[null,"Central Asia",{"$f":"Database!AZ3","v":2}]
[null,"East Asia",{"$f":"Database!BA3","v":6}]
[null,"South Asia",{"$f":"Database!BB3","v":54}]
[null,"South-East Asia",{"$f":"Database!BC3","v":35}]
[null,"West Asia",{"$f":"Database!BD3","v":11}]
[null,"East Europe",{"$f":"Database!BE3","v":9}]
[null,"South Europe",{"$f":"Database!BF3","v":32}]
[null,"Oceania",{"$f":"Database!BG3","v":14}]
[]
[{"$f":"Database!BI1","v":"Interventions"}]
[null,"Non-intervention",{"$f":"Database!BI3","v":6}]
[null,"Accountability interventions",{"$f":"Database!BJ3","v":134}]
[null,"Non-state actor interventions",{"$f":"Database!BK3","v":137}]
[null,"Community-based",{"$f":"Database!BL3","v":192}]
[null,"Capacity building",{"$f":"Database!BM3","v":229}]
[null,"Strategic/statutory frameworks",{"$f":"Database!BN3","v":221}]
[null,"Restructuring the security and justice sector ",{"$f":"Database!BO3","v":187}]
[null,"Gender specific interventions",{"$f":"Database!BP3","v":104}]
[null,"Infrastructure and equipment",{"$f":"Database!BQ3","v":112}]
[null,"Political engagement/Political will",{"$f":"Database!BR3","v":62}]
[null,"DDR",{"$f":"Database!BS$3","v":71}]
[null,"Legal services",{"$f":"Database!BT$3","v":108}]
[null,"Non-state/Justice facilitator capacity building",{"$f":"Database!BU$3","v":42}]
[null,"Preventative interventions",{"$f":"Database!BV$3","v":21}]
[]
[{"$f":"Database!BW1","v":"Outputs"}]
[null,"Accountability",{"$f":"Database!BW3","v":237}]
[null,"Non-state actor inclusion",{"$f":"Database!BX3","v":125}]
[null,"Community participation",{"$f":"Database!BY3","v":162}]
[null,"Capacity",{"$f":"Database!BZ3","v":263}]
[null,"Confidence/trust/satisfaction",{"$f":"Database!CA3","v":174}]
[null,"Gender sensitivity/balancing",{"$f":"Database!CB3","v":112}]
[null,"Roles/coordination/dialogue",{"$f":"Database!CC3","v":160}]
[null,"Strategic frameworks",{"$f":"Database!CD$3","v":184}]
[null,"Application/compliance/interpretation",{"$f":"Database!CE$3","v":62}]
[null,"State/non-state linkages",{"$f":"Database!CF$3","v":79}]
[]
[{"$f":"Database!CG1","v":"Outcomes"}]
[null,"Incentives",{"$f":"Database!CG3","v":34}]
[null,"Responsiveness",{"$f":"Database!CH3","v":125}]
[null,"Political will",{"$f":"Database!CI3","v":165}]
[null,"Ownership",{"$f":"Database!CJ3","v":121}]
[null,"Citizens feel safe and secure",{"$f":"Database!CK3","v":71}]
[null,"Access to provision",{"$f":"Database!CL3","v":127}]
[null,"Stability/conflict/violence",{"$f":"Database!CM3","v":135}]
[null,"Resources/sustainability",{"$f":"Database!CN3","v":136}]
[null,"Security and justice  actors protect",{"$f":"Database!CO3","v":96}]
[null,"Judicial redress",{"$f":"Database!CP$3","v":36}]
[null,"Human rights",{"$f":"Database!CQ$3","v":158}]
[null,"Actual crime rates",{"$f":"Database!CR$3","v":50}]
[null,"Legal awareness/confidence",{"$f":"Database!CS$3","v":50}]
[null,"Gender-based violence rates",{"$f":"Database!CT$3","v":37}]
[null,"Economic development",{"$f":"Database!CU$3","v":12}]
[null,"Poverty reduction",{"$f":"Database!CV$3","v":12}]
[null,"Access to land, inheritance and property rights",{"$f":"Database!CW$3","v":19}]
[null,"Access to public services and economic resources",{"$f":"Database!CX$3","v":28}]
[null,"Women's empowerment and gender equality",{"$f":"Database!CY$3","v":39}]

{"sheet":"Evidence gap map","index":3,"n_rows":58,"n_cols":11,"rows_kept":58,"cut":false,"hidden":false,"merged":[[42,1,42,9],[24,1,24,9],[6,1,6,9]]}
[{"$f":"Instructions!A1","v":"Security and Justice Evidence Mapping Database"}]
["Evidence gap map"]
[]
["This table shows the number of studies included in this review that addressed each combination of interventions and outputs or outcomes. "]
["Green cells show where the review found a significant number of studies - darker shades of green indicate more studies found.  Red cells highlight evidence gaps - darker shades of red indicate greater evidence gaps."]
[]
[null,"Outputs"]
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[null,"Outcomes"]
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[]
[]
[null,"Outcomes"]
["Interventions",{"$f":"Database!CQ5","v":"Human rights"},{"$f":"Database!CR5","v":"Actual crime rates"},{"$f":"Database!CS5","v":"Legal awareness/confidence"},{"$f":"Database!CT5","v":"Gender-based violence rates"},{"$f":"Database!CU5","v":"Economic development"},{"$f":"Database!CV5","v":"Poverty reduction"},{"$f":"Database!CW5","v":"Access to land, inheritance and property rights"},{"$f":"Database!CX5","v":"Access to public services and economic resources"},{"$f":"Database!CY5","v":"Women's empowerment and gender equality"}]
[{"$f":"A9","v":"Non-intervention"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"A10","v":"Accountability interventions"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":55},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":13},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":9},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":9}]
["Non-state actor interventions",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":65},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":16},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":16},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":15}]
["Community-based",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":78},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":38},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":37},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":23},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":15},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":23},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":29}]
["Capacity building",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":100},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":30},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":18},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":24},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":16},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":11}]
["Strategic/statutory frameworks",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":104},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":19},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":25},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":22},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":13},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":21}]
["Restructuring the security and justice sector ",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":84},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":19},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BO$6:$BO$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":9}]
["Gender specific interventions",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":62},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":10},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":25},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":25},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":16},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":28}]
["Infrastructure and equipment",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":57},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":15},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":4}]
["Political engagement/Political will",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":30},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":4}]
["DDR",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":33},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":3}]
["Legal services",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":47},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":42},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":19},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":13},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":24}]
["Non-state/Justice facilitator capacity building",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":20},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":21},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":14}]
["Preventative interventions",{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CQ$6:CQ$996,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CR$6:CR$996,\">''\")","v":10},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CS$6:CS$996,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CT$6:CT$996,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CU$6:CU$996,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CV$6:CV$996,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CW$6:CW$996,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CX$6:CX$996,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$996,\">''\",Database!CY$6:CY$996,\">''\")","v":2}]

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[{"$f":"Instructions!A1","v":"Security and Justice Evidence Mapping Database"}]
["Definitions"]
[]
["1. Intervention categories"]
[]
["Non-intervention","Evidence that identifies outputs or outcomes of interest, but where it is not clear that there was any aid intervention, or what it entailed."]
["Developing accountability mechanisms (at national and local/community level)","Interventions directed at enhancing and developing accountability mechanisms and democratic oversight, to ensure that security and justice agencies meet expected standards of behaviour and performance, including the prevention of abuses and violations by personnel. At the local community-level, this includes interventions to develop the capacity of civil society organisations to actively monitor security and justice policies and practices. This may also include legal empowerment initiatives, which aim to make the law more responsive to the needs of the poor and the vulnerable, and to assist them in protecting their rights and demanding accountable governance. At the national level, this includes interventions to develop and strengthen oversight mechanisms at the executive level. It also includes supporting independent oversight institutions, including the legislature (parliament), the judiciary, and other independent bodies with specialised mandates in the governance and accountability of the security and justice sectors. "]
["Non-state security and justice influencing reform and national level processes","Interventions directed at legal or statutory non-state actors to support their engagement in the reform process at a national level. This includes supporting the engagement of diverse groups in dialogue on security and justice, supporting confidence building between the security and justice sectors and civil society, or supporting civil-society to undertake outreach and awareness raising programmes. \n\nThis includes interventions initiated by non-state actors, such as non-governmental organisations, to influence national-level processes.\n\nThis category also includes interventions directed at extra-legal or non-statutory non-state actors who may influence security and justice processes at a national level in different ways through DDR, integration, transitional justice and peace processes.\n"]
["Community-based approaches","Interventions directed at local-level developments and actors. This includes interventions to support the engagement of marginalised and vulnerable groups, and to promote formal interaction between communities, customary justice mechanisms, local officials and authority, and security and justice agency representatives. This also includes legal empowerment initiatives, which aim to use the law to benefit the disadvantaged, in terms of assisting people to protect their rights, pursuing their economic interests and demanding accountable and responsive governance. This also includes attempts to communicate information about the functioning of security and justice institutions and respective reforms to the wider public. "]
["Organisational capacity building interventions","Interventions to improve the institutional and organisational capacity of state security and justice institutions and agencies. This will typically be technical assistance comprised of training and organisational development interventions focussed on agencies and the appropriate ministries governing them. Capacity building interventions include those focussing on increasing capabilities, professionalisation and leadership, as well as in areas such as improving human rights compliance, access to redress and gender equality. This includes the development of professional legal education and qualifications."]
["Strategic/statutory frameworks and legislation ","Interventions focused on national security and justice policies and strategies, and the statutory and legal frameworks to address the security and justice needs of citizens and the state. These laws, standards, policies, strategies, plans and frameworks are typically based on a country’s constitution and legislation. They concern the relationship between security and justice providers and the public, and clarify behaviours, roles and responsibilities of state institutions in providing security and justice. This includes interventions towards the adoption and/or reform of legal codes, norms and standards, with the aim of improving clarity, to specify the legal position of non-state legal orders in relation to official law, and to ensure compliance with international standards of fairness, due process and human rights norms.  \n\nAt another level, this includes efforts to provide strategic national guidance to S&J programmes, ensure that spending is driven by inclusive national priorities, and are cost-effective and sustainable.\n"]
["Restructuring the security and justice sector","High order interventions focussed on restructuring the security and justice sector or specific institutions and agencies. This includes structural reforms of existing institutions and interventions to create or establish new organisations and agencies, for example, as part of state-building efforts in fragile or conflict-affected contexts where they do not exist or have broken down."]
["Gendered-specific interventions","This includes efforts towards gender balancing or ensuring equal representation of men and women in institutions and oversight bodies. This also includes gender-specific interventions such as training and capacity building, creating gender units within the police, raising awareness of women’s rights within security and justice institutions, and efforts to prevent gender-based violence."]
[]
["Investment in infrastructure and equipment","Interventions that focus on the provision of physical infrastructure (e.g. buildings, police stations, training centres) or equipment (e.g. law enforcement equipment, uniforms, information technology)."]
["Integrated political engagement/Activities that promote political will","Activities that promote political will, focusing on support that makes the case for change, rather than on-going pressure. This includes activities such as bringing politicians/heads of agencies to meet counterparts in country (egg. guest of government visits), or sustained lobbying from donor/international community in country, or support to government commissions/task forces. "]
["Demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration","DDR typically involves dismantling the command structures of armed groups and reducing the size of fighting forces and the number of weapons in circulation. Ex-combatants are either assisted to return to civilian life, with reintegration packages including cash or non-monetary benefits such as vocational training or counselling, or merged into new national security forces."]
["Legal services","Interventions to provide or broaden the range of legal services available to citizens as part of access to justice or legal empowerment programmes. This includes alternative dispute resolution, legal aid, para-legal services, mediation and legal education. "]
["Capacity building of non-state justice forums and justice facilitators","Interventions to build the capacity of non-state justice forums (including the full spectrum of traditional and customary justice providers), and local justice facilitators (those individuals working with communities to provide legal aid, dispute resolution, para-legal or mediation services). "]
["Preventative interventions","Integrated efforts to prevent violence and crime, particularly in urban areas. These are often described as integrated development and governance strategies that combine elements of public health, education and employment, voluntary arms collection (demobilisation), community reintegration and urban environmental design programmes. "]
[]
[]
["2. Output categories"]
[]
["Accountability","Are the security and justice sectors perceived as accountable? Key indicators include: the level of politicisation; the extent of judicial independence; the presence and functioning of internal and external oversight mechanisms; the extent of democratic control; whether security and justice actors behave in a manner accountable to citizens and up to expected standards of behaviour."]
[]
["The inclusion of non-state actors in reform processes or negotiations","Have non-state actors been included as part of reform efforts? This includes the involvement and engagement of legal and statutory actors, (including traditional leaders, civil society organisations and non-governmental organisations), and extra-legal and armed non-state actors in national decision-making processes, agreements, and in the planning and implementation of reform efforts."]
[]
["Community participation and voice","Have citizens, communities and traditional leaders (including customary justice ‘elders’) had opportunities to participate and voice their opinions and needs with regard to the delivery of security and justice? Key indicators include: whether citizens, communities and traditional leaders have been involved in community-based initiatives; whether initiatives have supported the engagement of marginalised and vulnerable groups; whether interactions have occurred between communities, traditional leaders, local officials/authority/security and justice agency representatives."]
["The demonstrable capacity of state and non-state organisations to deliver ","Have state or non-state actors capacity to deliver security and justice been impacted? What is the overall quality of institutions, organisations and customary justice or alternative dispute resolution mechanisms? Key indicators include levels of operational capability, performance, effectiveness, skills, professionalisation and leadership; the ability to plan; the presence of management and performance systems, including recruitment and management and human resource processes. This includes evidence provided on the ability of justice actors to resolve, settle cases and disputes, and the ability to enforce judgements and prosecute cases.  It also includes evidence on rates of pre-trial detention. "]
[]
["Citizens confidence, trust or satisfaction in providers","Do citizens or communities report confidence or trust, or are they satisfied with levels of service? This is normally demonstrated through perception surveys or anecdotal evidence. In addition to confidence, trust and satisfaction, another key indicator is whether citizen or communities perceive providers as legitimate. Another aspect of this is whether interventions have led to behaviour change amongst citizens, which means they are more confident of accessing justice."]
[]
["Gender sensitivity and balancing","Have interventions affected the responsiveness of actors and institutions to gender-based violence? Have reform efforts impacted the equal representation of men and women? Key indicators include: perception of how security and justice actors respond to gender-based violence; the implementation of gender-related legislation; equal representation through recruitment policies."]
["Roles, coordination and dialogue amongst organisations and agencies","Are the roles and responsibilities of different actors within the security sector clearly defined? Is there dialogue and coordination amongst different security and justice organisations? Key indicators include: the presence of legislation or frameworks that clearly define the roles and responsibilities of different security and justice actors; the extent of cooperation and lack of conflict between different security and justice actors. "]
["Strategic frameworks developed ","Have strategic frameworks been developed by national governments to set out resource allocation and inform implementation decisions? The key indicator is whether frameworks - in the form of strategies, plans, reviews, or legislation – actually exist."]
["Application, compliance and interpretation of laws","Have legal reforms or the adoption of new codes, norms and standards affected the fair and consistent application and interpretation of law by judges and traditional leaders? This is demonstrated through user perceptions or external analysis of the application of law by different official and non-state justice forums, and whether this is considered to be consistent and fair across different types of cases and for different types of users, especially women and other disadvantaged groups. "]
["State/non-state linkages","Have interventions had any impact upon the level of coherence and linkages between official and customary justice? Have interventions resulted in linkages and coordination between state agencies and non-governmental organisations advocating for security and justice reform? This could be through recognition, regulation, institutionalisation or integration of non-state legal orders, including codification. It could also be through the clarification of boundaries between state and non-state jurisdiction, through the diversion of cases from state to non-state forums, or the creation through legislation of hybrid forums."]
[]
["3. Outcome categories"]
[]
["Security and justice actors have incentives for improved service delivery","Has political engagement resulted in political incentives for improved service delivery? The key indicator was where the literature directly referred to impacted incentives for security and justice actors to participate in processes or reforms. This relates to whether there is political or economic benefit for stakeholders to pursue or enact reforms."]
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["Provision is responsive to citizens’ needs","Is provision reflective of citizen concerns and responsive to their needs and priorities? Key indicators include: whether service delivery has been informed by citizen perceptions; the extent to which provision is centred on the needs of citizens and society rather than those of the state or political elites; whether service delivery is responsive to the needs of marginalised and vulnerable groups; whether provision is culturally appropriate; the extent of customer orientation in service delivery; perceptions or evidence of improved service delivery."]
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["Political will to enact reforms","Has political engagement resulted in the political will amongst local and national stakeholders to enact reforms or support interventions? Key indicators include: the perceived extent of political will amongst stakeholders; the perceived presence of motivation, commitment or consensus amongst stakeholders for change; the absence of political resistance or spoilers for change. "]
["Ownership of reforms by national and local stakeholders","Do national and local stakeholders demonstrate on-going ownership in the planning or implementation of reforms or interventions? Key indicators include: the extent of perceived ownership by national and local stakeholders; the extent to which reforms are internally initiated by national and local stakeholders; the involvement of a broad range of stakeholders (not just elites) in reform; the extent to which donors take a controlling role in the planning and implementation of reforms."]
["Citizens feel safe and secure","Do citizens feel safer and more secure during or after interventions have been implemented? This is demonstrated by subjective citizen perceptions or anecdotal accounts of safety and security. This also includes subjective feelings of legal empowerment. This might relate to the perceived ability of citizens to protect their rights or the perception of fewer legal problems in resolving legal conflicts and disputes."]
["Access to provision","Have interventions impacted access to provision for citizens – at a variety of levels, from state to customary? Key indicators include: whether provision exists in significant numbers across territories; the extent of access in rural areas; whether cultural, financial or gender related issues prevent access to provision; whether legal services interventions including legal accompaniment have affected access by citizens to the formal justice system. "]
["Stability and outbreaks of conflict or violence","Have interventions impacted stability and/or conflict and violence, including local-level conflicts? Have interventions contributed to peacebuilding, political stability and community reconciliation? This is demonstrated by: the absence of political instability or conflict between competing factions and state agencies; and the ability of security and justice agencies to prevent outbreaks of conflict and violence amongst society; and reductions in local-level legal conflicts between disputing parties. Key indicators include recorded instances of violence or political instability between competing factions or cases of local-level community reconciliation."]
["Resource allocation / funding stability and sustainability","Have reforms or interventions contributed to resource allocation, funding stability, or sustainability? Key indicators include: whether funding has been strategically allocated; the absence of resource short-falls; the extent of dependency on donor funding to continue funding the security and justice sectors or reforms after donor interventions have ended."]
["Security actors are a source of protection, not insecurity","Do security actors protect citizens after reforms have been enacted? This is demonstrated by the absence of criminality, human rights violations, intimidation, exploitation, abuse, extra-legal methods and violence by security actors against citizens."]
["Judicial redress to protect rights","Have interventions impacted the ability for citizens to seek redress? Key indicators include the existence of appropriate customary justice or alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, which engage with dispute resolution and adjudication, reparation measures that aim to redress past wrongs and provide compensation or rehabilitation for victims of abuses."]
["Measures implemented to improve compliance with human rights standards","Have measures been implemented to ensure the compliance of the security and justice actors with international human rights standards? Key indicators include: the adoption of relevant legislation, ethical codes or codes of conduct; human rights training; vetting, certification and removal procedures to ensure that personnel are human rights abiding."]
["Actual crime rates","Have crime rates altered as a result of reforms, or after reforms have been implemented? This is demonstrated through measuring crime in locations where reform initiatives have been implemented."]
["Legal awareness and confidence","Has the provision of legal services affected awareness amongst citizens of their legal rights? Key indicators include the implementation of activities designed to increase citizen’s knowledge of the law, procedures and available resources for accessing justice, and about how their legal rights are being violated. This could include awareness raising sessions, advocacy and educational campaigns and open forums. The literature may also contain evidence of behaviour change whereby citizens are more confident in applying the knowledge and skills they have acquired to access justice or other public services. "]
["Rates of gender-based violence","Have interventions had any impact on rates of GBV, including domestic violence? This is demonstrated through explicit analysis on the levels of GBV in locations where initiatives have been implemented."]
["Local or national economic development","Have reforms contributed to local or national economic development? Key indicators include: Increased GDP; confidence of businesses and entrepreneurs to invest; the confidence of businesses to operate and/or return to previously insecure locations."]
["Poverty reduction","Have interventions led to poverty reduction? The key indicator is where the evidence presents poverty reduction as an explicit outcome of interventions. This could be through increased incomes or though other human development indicators, such as increased education rates or improved health indicators where the intervention has taken place. "]
["Access to land, inheritance and property rights","Have interventions affected access to land, inheritance or property rights? Many legal empowerment and access to justice initiatives claim this as a key goal, especially in the case of women and other marginalised groups. "]
["Access to public services and economic resources","Have interventions impacted access to education, health or public utilities, or to services that may help increase incomes, such as employment services, livelihood materials and credit facilities? This could be through making citizens more aware of their rights with regard to accessing public services and/or making public service delivery more responsive. "]
["Women’s empowerment and gender equality","Have interventions influenced gender equality within communities or perceptions of women’s empowerment? This could be through changing attitudes within local communities on the rights of women or their overall standing in relation to men. "]