How can electoral systems be designed to adequately represent minorities? What lessons have been learned from a decade of international electoral assistance? What are the particular challenges of operating elections in post-conflict or fragile settings? Elections are the main political mechanism for allowing citizens to choose their government, and as such form a central pillar of any democratic political system. But across the developing world, particularly in emerging or young democracies, elections have often been marred by tension, disputed outcomes and, most worryingly, electoral violence.
This page includes analyses of appropriate electoral system design and practical guidance for donors on providing electoral assistance, including case study material and lessons learned.
Page contents:
- Electoral systems
- Electoral operations
- Electoral assistance
- Electoral costs
- Elections in post-conflict or fragile environments
- Useful websites
Electoral systems
How electoral systems are designed determines the political representation of certain groups, including minorities and excluded groups, and ultimately citizen satisfaction with the electoral process. Much of the literature emphasises that the particular country circumstances must be closely analysed in designing a ’best-fit’ solution.
Reynolds, A., Reilly B. and Ellis, A. et al., 2005, ‘Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook’, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm
How should electoral systems be chosen, designed and implemented? What discussion process is necessary? This handbook by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance aims to help designers of constitutions and those involved in debate on political institutions in new and transitional democracies. It suggests criteria for deciding the best electoral system for any given context and describes the advantages and disadvantages of different systems and their possible consequences.
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Rocha Menocal, A., 2011, ‘Why Electoral Systems Matter: An Analysis of their Incentives and Effects on Key Areas of Governance’, Overseas Development Institute (ODI), London
Electoral systems matter because – in interaction with other structural and institutional factors – they influence incentives regarding government effectiveness, violence and conflict, accountability, public policy, and electoral malpractice. There are trade-offs involved in all electoral systems. For example, proportional representation systems may be more likely than majority systems to produce desirable public goods – but they also foster greater corruption.
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Larserud, S. and Taphorn, R., 2007, ‘Designing for Equality: Best-fit, Medium-fit and Non-favourable Combinations of Electoral Systems and Gender Quotas’, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), Stockholm
What combinations of electoral systems and quotas best promote women’s representation in elections? This paper from the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) shows how the interaction of electoral systems and quotas impacts upon the nomination and election of women. These two factors must be considered in concert. While certain systems are often associated with better representation, the particular country circumstances must be closely analysed in designing a ’best-fit’ solution.
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Thames, F. C. and Williams, M. S., 2010, ‘Incentives for Personal Votes and Women’s Representation in Legislatures’, Comparative Political Studies,vol. 43, no. 12, pp. 1575-1600
The electoral system can contribute to greater (or fewer) political opportunities for women. This article finds that party-centred systems that have weak incentives for personal votes increase women’s representation in legislatures. This is in contrast to candidate-centred systems that have strong incentives for personal votes. While existing literature often focuses on the positive effect that high district magnitude proportional representation systems can have on women’s legislative representation, it is also important to understand the different incentives that electoral systems can create.
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Reynolds, A., 2006, ‘Electoral Systems and the Protection and Participation of Minorities’, Report, Minority Rights Group International, London
In every successful case of peaceful and democratic conflict avoidance in the world, minority communities have been included and protected by the legislative process. This report by Minority Rights Group International focuses on the electoral system and makes a number of recommendations for best practice in minority representation and electoral system design. The participation of minorities in the legislative process at the stage of electoral reform is a key tool, both in peace building and in future conflict prevention.
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Reilly, B., 2002, ‘Electoral Systems for Divided Societies’, Journal of Democracy, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 156-70
This article, in the Journal of Democracy, looks at the impact that ‘preferential’ electoral systems (that is those that enable voters to rank- order their preferences) have on divided societies, drawing on case studies from Northern Ireland, Estonia, Australia, Fiji and Papua New Guinea. Traditionally, political science literature has favoured a ‘consociational’ approach which encourages the formation of ethnic parties, replicating ethnic divisions in the legislature. However, this approach does not necessarily reduce conflict, and its application in developing countries is questionable. Preferential systems — Single Transferable Vote (STV) and Alternative Vote (AV) — encourage cooperation and accommodation of rival groups through reciprocal vote-pooling.
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Cho, W., 2010, ‘Citizens’ Perceptions of Government Responsiveness in Africa: Do Electoral Systems and Ethnic Diversity Matter?’, Comparative Political Studies, vol. 43, no. 12, pp. 1650-1674
This paper finds that the type of electoral system used does affect people’s perceptions of government responsiveness, but that this relationship depends on the country’s degree of ethnic diversity. At lower levels of ethnic diversity, majoritarian electoral systems are better at boosting positive perceptions of government responsiveness. At higher levels of ethnic diversity, proportional representation (PR) systems are more likely to have this effect. These findings have implications for constitutional design and democratic consolidation.
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Kambudzi, A., 2008, ‘Turning Elections into a Development Asset in Africa’, Institute for Security Studies, South Africa
How can elections be turned into a development asset in Africa? This paper from the Institute of Security Studies argues that in order for elections to become a real asset, African countries need to implement effective decentralisation, including the empowerment of local communities within a rationalised national plan. If they can do this they will also prevent conflicts and achieve increased national self-confidence and self-empowerment in relation to the global politico-economic and strategic environment.
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The following article argues that post-election pacts that allow incumbents or electoral losers to negotiate their way to power can undermine vertical relationships of accountability established through voting, increase budgetary spending, and create conditions for policy gridlock.
LeVan, A.C., 2011, ‘Power Sharing and Inclusive Politics in Africa’s Uncertain Democracies’, Governance, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 31–53
How should international policymakers respond to evidence of a ‘stolen’ election? This article argues that support for inclusive political institutions needs to take account of the distinction between strengthening states and strengthening democracy. When used in response to flawed elections, pacts guaranteeing political inclusion can promote short-term peace, but they undermine democratisation, accountability and effective government performance.Potential adverse effects of political inclusion can be assessed by: 1) contrasting extra-constitutional pacts with stable political frameworks; 2) differentiating between post-war contexts and low-level conflicts; and 3) weighing short-term benefits against long-term costs. The drawbacks of inclusive political institutions can be moderated by options such as sunset clauses, the even-handed prosecution of human rights violations, and by strengthening checks on executive authority.
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Electoral operations
Elections should be organised and administered transparently in order to be free and fair. The following resources consider the international principles underpinning free and fair elections, and introduce practical approaches to strengthening electoral institutions and legal frameworks to entrench the electoral process.
Daxecker, U. E. (2014). All quiet on election day? International election observation and incentives for pre-election violence in African elections. Electoral Studies, 34, pp. 232-243
What is the impact of international election missions on African elections? This article, based on an empirical analysis of election-related violence for African elections in the 1990–2009 period, shows that the presence of election observers increases the incidence of pre-election violence, but has no effect on election-day violence. It argues that the presence of international electoral missions lowers the potential for election-day violence relative to the pre-election period because domestic actors are likely refrain from intimidating opposition candidates or voters in the presence of international observer. However it also argues that international election missions create incentives for political actors to engage in violent manipulation in those parts of the electoral process that receive less international attention, such as the pre-election period.
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Trebilcock, M. and Chitalkar, P., 2009, ‘From Nominal to Substantive Democracy: The Role and Design of Election Management Bodies’, The Law and Development Review, vol. 2, issue 1
Can effective election administration though Election Management Bodies (EMBs) contribute to the development of substantive democracy? This article from the Law and Development Review examines evidence from elections in Asia, Latin America, Africa, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Middle East. Independent and impartial EMBs vested with broad mandates have succeeded not only in conducting free and fair elections but also in enhancing respect for the electoral process.
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Merloe, P., 2008, ‘Human Rights – The Basis for Inclusiveness, Transparency, Accountability and Public Confidence in Elections’, in Promoting Legal Frameworks for Democratic Elections: An NDI Guide for Developing Election Laws and Law Commentaries, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, New York
What are the fundamental principles for genuinely democratic elections? How can states realise these principles in practice? This section from the National Democratic Institute publication Promoting Legal Frameworks for Democratic Elections examines electoral-related human rights law and principles. It shows that honouring citizens’ collective right to genuine elections and establishing and maintaining public confidence in elections requires inclusiveness, transparency and accountability.
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Toolkits
Orozco-Henríquez, J. et al., 2010, ‘Electoral Justice: The International IDEA Handbook’, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm
Electoral justice involves the means and mechanisms for ensuring that electoral processes adhere to the law and for protecting, restoring and defending electoral rights. Electoral justice mechanisms comprise formal and informal means of preventing and resolving electoral disputes. This handbook provides a comparative guide to best practice in electoral justice, drawing on examples from around the world. It aims to provide guidance on how electoral justice mechanisms can be designed and reformed.
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Electoral assistance
Donors have traditionally supported the technical aspects of elections: drafting electoral legislation and regulations; providing logistical support (ballots, ballot boxes etc.); educating voters; and setting up administrative and management institutions (such as electoral commissions and electoral management bodies) and election observer groups. But elections are increasingly being viewed as part of an ongoing democratic cycle rather than as one-off events which require periodic technical support. Many advocate electoral assistance that is sensitive to local socio-cultural settings, builds local ownership, and supports sustainable processes and institutions that function effectively without external assistance.
Bargiacchi, F. et al., 2008, ‘Making Electoral Assistance Effective: From Formal Commitment to Actual Implementation – ACE “Focus on …” Series’, ACE Electoral Knowledge Network and Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm
How can development agencies’ commitment to move from event-driven to process- and demand-driven electoral assistance be more fully implemented? This report assesses how electoral assistance is delivered on the ground, and examines how the conceptual shift towards process is shaping agencies’ priorities. While the importance of long-term institutional strengthening for effective electoral assistance is now widely recognised, greater emphasis on capacity development is needed, both at the development agency and partner country level.
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Reilly, B., 2003, ‘International Electoral Assistance: A Review of Donor Activities and Lessons Learned’, Working Paper 17, Democratic Transition in Post-Conflict Societies Project, Netherlands Institute of International Relations, The Hague
What are the issues facing international actors when they engage in post-conflict electoral assistance? What is the impact of international assistance on democratic politics in post-conflict situations? This paper from the Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael) addresses the main aspects of elections and presents some of the recent lessons learned. The need for a sustainable approach is highlighted.
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GSDRC, 2008, ‘Electoral Assistance Lessons’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
In the 1990s, there was a great deal of optimism about the impact that elections and electoral assistance could have on stability and democratisation. This optimism was tempered in subsequent years as the expected benefits, in many cases, did not seem to materialise. Much analysis has been conducted in recent years to draw out lessons learned from past electoral assistance programmes and to formulate best practices. In the process, new electoral approaches have been advocated and developed. The key change has been the movement away from viewing elections and electoral assistance as one-off events which require periodic support, to viewing them as an integral component of democratic transition and governance, which needs ongoing support.
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GSDRC, 2011, ‘Electoral Support Interventions’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
This helpdesk report provides a brief overview of discussion in the literature on impacts of electoral support and lessons learned. It discusses electoral support generally, and then focuses specifically on: electoral observation, electoral management bodies, civic and voter education, and media. International electoral support has generally played an important role in improving the quality of electoral processes. Much of the literature finds that electoral and democracy assistance has been successful in creating institutions (e.g. electoral commissions) and in transferring technical skills. This same body of literature highlights, however, that such assistance has been less successful in achieving the longer term objective of strengthening democratisation. Lessons learned include: treating elections as a process rather than an event; linking electoral support with other democratic development policies and activities; promoting synergies between election observation and electoral assistance; taking into account the political context of electoral processes; preventing election-related conflicts and violence; building local capacity; and improve monitoring and evaluation.
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Guidance and toolkits
DFID, 2011, ‘Electoral Assistance and Politics: Lessons for International Support’, DFID, London
The international community has an important role to play in supporting the successful planning, delivery and embedding of elections within a wider context of support to political systems and deepening democracy. Development partners can provide financial, political, technical and diplomatic assistance as part of these efforts, directing support strategically to a wide range of stakeholders and over a long period of time – the ‘electoral cycle approach’. However, a range of evidence suggests that international support to elections often falls short of the desired standard. Various obstacles continue to impede more effective international support to elections. This paper draws on reviews and case studies of elections in the last four years to highlight key lessons – ‘principles for election support’.
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DFID, 2010, ‘How to Note on Electoral Assistance’, Department for International Development, London
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DFID, 2010, ‘Electoral Assistance and Politics: Lessons for International Support’, Department for International Development, London
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UNDP, 2007, Electoral Assistance Implementation Guide‘, United Nations Development Programme
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Electoral costs
The International Foundation for Electoral Support (IFES)’s Cost of Registration and Elections (CORE) project analysed and compared election related costs across 10 countries of varying size and democratic stability:
Lopez-Pintor, R. and Fischer, J., 2005, ‘Cost of Registration and Elections (CORE) Project’, International Foundation for Electoral Support, Washington D.C.
How are election budgets established, tracked and funded? What cost management practices can Election Management Bodies (EMBs) adopt? This study from the Center for Transitional and Post-Conflict Governance is based on survey research from 34 countries and in-depth case studies from ten countries. It identifies cost variables and sources of revenue, and evaluates the election budgets and cost management practices of EMBs.
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GSDRC, 2008, ‘Multi-donor Funding for Elections in Fragile States’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
Donor funding for elections is increasingly delivered through pooled funding mechanisms commonly known as ‘basket‘ funds, whereby a number of donors jointly fund an agreed set of activities. Basket funds broadly aim to enhance the quality of electoral assistance by increasing donor co-ordination, simplifying management arrangements, and reducing duplication of effort. They are also seen as an important demonstration of consensus among the international community.
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Elections in post-conflict or fragile environments
Post-conflict elections have become a core element of peace agreements, but they can also contribute to more tension and violence. How can electoral conflict and violence be avoided in post-conflict and fragile settings? When is an appropriate time to hold elections in these settings? Timing, electoral system choice, administration, the disarmament of armed groups, and election monitoring are critical political choices in these settings. One question attracting increasing attention is the extent to which power sharing arrangements, often advocated in these contexts, are actually effective in bringing about enduring peace.
Reilly, B., 2006, ‘Post-Conflict Elections: Uncertain Turning Points of Transition’, Centre for Democratic Institutions, Australian National University, Canberra
Are elections beneficial in fragile states emerging from conflict? Is there a way of enhancing democracy while ensuring stability? This paper from the Australian National University examines the tensions between the short and long-term goals of post-conflict elections – ending war and consolidating democracy. It calls for a more realistic and less ideological appraisal of elections which recognises that they can be either beneficial or harmful to post-conflict democratisation. Success depends on careful consideration of timing, sequencing, mechanics and administration.
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Sisk, T., 2008, ‘Elections in Fragile States: Between Voice and Violence’, Paper prepared for the International Studies Association Annual Meeting San Francisco, California, March 24-28
What factors generate election-related violence in fragile states? How can the international community address these? This study from the University of Denver suggests that social structure, political competition, the competence of the electoral administration and the degree of professionalism in the security sector contribute to election-related violence. International influence at mid-rank levels among the perpetrators of violence is limited. Donors therefore need to take a pragmatic approach by working with parties to develop pre-election peace pledges and by tracking violent incidents.
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Norris, P., 2005, ‘Do Power-sharing Institutions Work?: Stable Democracy and Good Governance in Divided Societies,’ Paper presented at the Quality of Government conference, Goteborg University, 17-19 November
Consociational theory has dominated scholarly debates about the most appropriate institutions for peace-building and democratic transitions in deeply divided societies. What can power-sharing arrangements contribute beyond the scope of post-conflict settlements? What other factors are important over the longer term? Prepared for Harvard University, this paper compares a broad cross-section of countries worldwide to investigate the impact of formal power-sharing institutions and suggests that investing in basic human development is a more consistently successful strategy for democracy-building and good governance.
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An, M. et al., 2008, ‘Idealism Without Illusions: Lessons from Post-Conflict Elections in Cambodia, Rwanda and Sudan’, Woodrow Wilson School of International and Public Affairs, Princeton University, New Jersey
How should the international community engage in election processes in post-conflict countries such as Rwanda, Cambodia and Sudan? This study from Princeton University argues that the international community should move towards a broader concern with fair political environments. Policymakers should not overstate the importance of electoral assistance in the short-term, nor lose sight of its ability to contribute to the conditions for genuine democracy in the long-term. Greater political will for longer-term electoral support is required.
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GSDRC, 2008, ‘Election-related Conflict’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
Election-related conflict or violence can occur at any stage of the electoral process – from pre-election registration, candidate nomination and campaigning to election day balloting to post-election results. Although election-related conflict is an under-researched area, there is a small body of literature that addresses its potential causes and methods of prevention and mitigation. This response considers electoral system choice, electoral administration, consultation, political parties and the disarmament of armed groups and the question of whether to include them in the political process, civic education, media and election monitoring.
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Dunning, T., 2011, ‘Fighting and Voting: Violent Conflict and Electoral Politics’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 327-339
Warfare can reflect the underlying distribution of power revealed by pre-war elections, and the logic of violence can be shaped by pre-war electoral configurations. Moreover, the choice is not always between fighting and violence: sometimes, elections and violence act as complements, with elected politicians or their militias using violent actions to shape electoral outcomes. Understanding the interaction between electoral politics and violent conflict thus constitutes an important research agenda, one this special issue seeks to advance.
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Brancati, D. and Snyder, J. L. (2013). Time to kill: The impact of election timing on postconflict stability. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 57(5), pp. 822-853.
What is the impact of election timing on postconflict stability? While some argue that early elections facilitate peace agreements, hasten democratisation, and ensure postconflict stability, others suggest that they undermine genuine democracy and cause a renewal in fighting. This quantitative study finds that holding elections soon after a civil war ends generally increases the likelihood of renewed fighting. However, favourable conditions, including decisive victories, demobilisation, peacekeeping, power sharing, and strong political, administrative and judicial institutions, can reduce this risk.
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Useful websites
- International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) has collected data on voter turnout by gender in a variety of different countries. They also have a wealth of material on electoral processes.
- The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) is a democracy and governance non-profit organisation that has provided technical assistance to over 100 countries.
- The ACE Electoral Knowledge Network provides information on electoral systems, promotes networking among election-related professionals and offers capacity development services.
- Democracy Reporting International is a non-profit group who produce election framework assessments and inter-election democracy assessments.