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Home»Document Library»Oil, Arms Proliferation and Conflict in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Oil, Arms Proliferation and Conflict in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Library
Victor Ojakorotu, Ufo Okeke-Uzodike
2006

Summary

What fuels the present-day oil violence in the Niger Delta? This paper from the African Journal on Conflict Resolution analyses the main sources of conflict, in particular a thriving small arms trade. Weapons smuggled through Guinea-Bissau, Gabon and Cameroon continue to supply ethnic militias. While addressing arms trafficking through border control can reduce the escalation of conflict, a key issue is inequity in Nigerian federalism. Adequate representation of minority interests needs to be addressed as an integral part of the project to create a true democracy, good governance, an enhanced position for ethnic minorities and transparent fiscal control.

Despite producing most of Nigeria’s national wealth, the Niger Delta region suffers from much violent conflict due to the negative impacts of oil extraction and the question of profit distribution. The Ogoni and Ijaw struggles have proven particularly intractable. Serious environmental degradation – resulting in poor health, destruction of wildlife, flooding and other problems – has also stoked the anger of the ‘oil minorities’. The proliferation of small arms and light weapons became a significant security threat in the 1990s, following the Cold War, and now plays a role in intra-state conflict throughout the region.

The increase in illegal arms trafficking is tied to the porosity of Nigeria’s borders and poses a critical threat to the nation’s future existence. The crisis is also being fuelled by a culture of violence and militarism on the part of both the government and the oil communities. The frequent deployment of military forces to the Niger Delta to quell local riots has militarised local ethnic militia. Further findings include the following:

  • The leadership of various ethnic groups in the Niger Delta struggle has often selfishly pursued its own interests while ignoring those of the people. Some elites and leaders in these communities have become compensation entrepreneurs, with whom government and oil company officials collaborate in the ‘compensation game’.
  • The greed and opportunism of these leaders in the oil-bearing communities has weakened resistance movements.
  • A national conference constituted a giant step towards addressing regional violence and bringing key stakeholders together. However, key problems of Nigerian federalism remained unaddressed.

The government should not ignore the wellbeing of its own citizens because of profit-motivated connections with multi-national oil companies (MNOCs). Also, the MNOCs must become more responsible to local people in how they operate. Further recommendations include the following:

  • Both government and the oil communities in the delta should begin a dialogue and set aside their militarist dispositions.
  • There should be a master development plan for the Niger Delta. Government should also devise a workable environmental policy to regulate oil operations in the Niger Delta, enact laws that would protect the environment and ensure their strict enforcement.
  • Adequate compensation should be paid to the (affected) local communities – not in the form of monetary compensation to individuals and middle men – but by the government and the oil companies undertaking community development projects agreed with local residents.
  • The creation of separate local governments reflecting the composition and origins of the warring ethnic groups could reduce politically motivated conflict.
  • As a matter of national security, government must ensure that both land and sea borders are effectively policed and illegal trafficking brought to an end.

Source

Ojakorotu, V. and Okeke-Uzodike, U., 2006, 'Oil, Arms Proliferation and Conflict in the Niger Delta of Nigeria', African Journal on Conflict Resolution, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 85-106

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