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Home»Document Library»Emerging Pluralist Politics in Mozambique: The Frelimo-Remano Party System

Emerging Pluralist Politics in Mozambique: The Frelimo-Remano Party System

Library
G Carbone
2003

Summary

Multi-party politics emerged as an instrument for peace in Mozambique in 1992, marking an end to violent civil conflict and heralding a new era of democratic change. However, multi-party democracy continues to suffer from a lack of legitimacy in Mozambique. This article, published by the London School of Economics, argues that the overall transition towards a fully democratic and pluralist system has been limited, and that the crucial test for democracy in Mozambique centres on the actual turnover of power in future elections.

The General Peace Agreement, bringing about an end to civil war in Mozambique in 1992, resulted in a ‘pacted’ transition, whereby states or social agents negotiate the rules of the democratic game. Since the introduction of multi-party competition, the struggle between two main parties, (Frelimo- the ruling party, and Renamo- the former guerilla movement) has dominated the political scene.

A distinction can be made between fully liberal democracies and ‘pseudo-democracies’ (which retain authoritarian characteristics), or ‘electoral democracies’ (which fall short of consolidating liberal and democratic practices). Despite democratic reforms, Mozambique is an electoral, rather than fully liberal, democracy. This is due to historical and structural factors that continue to hamper the country’s democratic prospects, including:

  • The political system is compromised by the ambiguous relationship between the ruling party and state apparatus. Power is centralised in the office of the president and executive, whilst the legislature and judiciary remain weak.
  • The legitimacy of the party system is threatened by the polarisation generated by civil conflict. Strong antagonism between divided groups leaves little room for dialogue and mutual recognition.
  • The two-party system has entrenched the long-standing and historical ethnic tensions, dividing the country between Renamo- and Frelimo- dominated areas.
  • The failure to transfer power undermines the democratic process. Frelimo has ruled for a period of twenty-five years without interruption.
  • Increasingly high levels of corruption have lead to low levels of confidence and trust in the state and political system.
  • The system lacks legitimacy. Mozambicans are sceptical about their ability to influence government and the latter’s capacity to guarantee equal treatment and raise living standards.

A well-functioning democracy requires legitimate political parties acting as instrument for the transfer of democratic political power. The current political party system in Mozambique falls short of this, which may have implications for the consolidation of democracy. Reforms are required to:

  • Institutionalise the party political system, including inter-party competition, socially-rooted parties, elections as the legitimate means of transferring power and stable rules and structures within political parties.
  • Promote awareness of the benefits of institutionalised party political systems, which maintain checks on the executive and help to restrain neo-patrimonial tendencies.
  • Recognise the potentially negative effects of the extreme institutionalisation of political parties such as a paralysis of political competition and a lack of accountability or political change.
  • Address problems of legitimacy. Whilst there is little support for a return to one-party rule, there is an ongoing debate over whether the multi-party system provides the most appropriate avenue for democracy and raising people’s living standards.
  • Encourage dialogue on the potentially negative impact of a turnover of power. A future victory by Renamo may lead to ‘payback’ for decades of strong and centralised government under Frelimo, which could destabilise the country.

Source

Carbone, G.M., 2003, ‘Emerging Pluralist Politics in Mozambique: The Frelimo-Remano Party System’, Crisis States Programme Development Research Centre, Working Paper 23, Series No. 1, LSE, London.

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