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Home»Document Library»Police Reform in the Republic of Montenegro

Police Reform in the Republic of Montenegro

Library
Novak Gajic
2007

Summary

This Austrian Ministry of Defence article examines police reform in the Republic of Montenegro. It argues that police reform did not start properly until 2001 and has always been primarily a political issue. The political sphere, however, failed to support police reform through consistent reform policies. The political elite of today’s independent Montenegro have no more excuses, but to undertake the four ‘Ds’ – de-politicisation, de-militarisation, decriminalisation and de-centralisation of the police.

Proper police reform in Montenegro started only in 2001 – initiated with the fall of Slobodan Miloševiæ – and has always been primarily a political issue. The political sphere, however, failed to support police reform through consistent reform policies. During this period, Montenegro had five Ministers of Interior. Political instability led to inconsistency in police reform, since priorities were set by issues often not related to domestic affairs. The overarching political issue at the time was the issue of Montenegro’s status – whether it would remain part of a joint state with Serbia or become independent.

Montenegro has changed many of its laws to meet EU conditions. However, new legislation – frequently just a copy of various foreign legislation – often failed to properly consider Montenegro’s circumstances or to accommodate its real needs.

  • The key police organisational issue is the issue of centralisation and decentralisation. The police service remains a highly centralised authority. Furthermore, the centralised budget and short-term planning management impede the delegation of decisions.
  • Low police salaries are a major problem and a catalyst of police corruption. Within the service, it is often perceived as the main impediment for police reform. This must, however, be seen in the context of the overall economic situation of a society in transition.
  • Montenegro appears to be a safe society, safer than many EU countries. It is true that common crime is not such a threat, yet the omnipresent organised crime seriously affects social, economic and political life in Montenegro.
  • The lack of police oversight mechanisms was one of the most prominent reform challenges, and Montenegrin police still have a long way to go in the fight against corruption.
  • In Montenegro, organised crime has international – especially regional – implications. Many criminals of Montenegrin origin operate abroad, but Montenegro is also the victim of international organised crime.

The political elite of today’s independent Montenegro have no more excuses, but to undertake the four ‘Ds’ – de-politicisation, de-militarisation, decriminalisation and de-centralisation of the police. It is yet to be seen whether they will be mature enough in this respect.

  • Police culture and values need to evolve to accommodate the changing social values of a society in transition, striving towards EU membership. Montenegro’s post-communist police service – which has never been subjected to democratic lustration – still needs serious rehabilitation, primarily through the change of service culture and mentality, and through accountability to democratically elected institutions.
  • The fight against serious and organised crime is a primary area of concern requiring the consolidation of police capacities. The development of specialised, intelligence-driven, strategic capacities is crucial.
  • Enhancing the fight against organised crime depends on developing new methods and modes of work. In Montenegro, there are four key areas to be developed: criminal intelligence, forensics, special investigative means, witness protection and border policing.

Source

Gajic, N., 2007, 'Police Reform in the Republic of Montenegro', in Security Sector Governance in the Western Balkans: Self-Assessment Studies on Defence, Intelligence, Police and Border Management Reform, eds. A. H. Ebnöther, P.H. Fluri, and P. Jurekovic, National Defence Academy, Bureau for Security Policy at the Austrian Ministry of Defence and DCAF in co-operation with PfP-Consortium of Defence Academies and Security Studies Institutes, pp. 409-445

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