This book reviews obstacles to peace in Northern Uganda, Burundi, Eastern DRC, Zanzibar, Sudan and Northern Kenya, arguing that the central Africa Great Lakes region presents an opportunity for finding a durable solution for challenges relating to peace and security, particularly in DRC. The mechanisms put in place to forestall any future conflicts in the region need to be given a chance. The Pact on Security, Stability and Development of the Great Lakes Region promotes the collective vision of our leaders to transform the region from a zone of hostilities, conflicts, and underdevelopment into a zone of security, stability and partnership. The follow-up mechanism established under the pact, namely the Summit of Heads of State, the Council Ministers, the Secretariat, the Troika and the National Coordination Mechanism, are always available to address any contradictions that might arise. There is political will and a willingness among the leaders in the region to address critical issues that impact on peace and stability. The challenge that remains is to translate the agreements and commitments into action.
After reviewing six case studies in the Great Lakes regions, the book concludes with recommendations for each case. A review of the case studies reveals some themes that recur across the cases. Such themes may relate to the actors, interests, or strategies in the conflicts, and are synthesised below.
Historical legacies: Although this is more pronounced in the studies of Zanzibar, Southern Sudan, Burundi and northern Uganda, historical legacies are no less important in the cases of northern Kenya and DRC. In all the cases there exists some historical baggage, either in the form of historical injustices that have not been addressed or contemporary injustices carried over from the past. In these cases it is advisable that countries undergo some catharsis in the form of truth and reconciliation commissions or constitutional conventions.
State fragility: In all the cases the fragility or weakness of the state and its structures is pervasive. In DRC this is an endemic problem but in all the other cases state penetration of society is low. This is certainly the case in Kenya, where pastoralists are ruled militarily, the north of Uganda is excluded systematically, in Southern Sudan it is illustrated by the two tiers of government and donor dominance. In Burundi and Zanzibar fear of being overthrown induces authoritarian behaviour. The establishment or strengthening of effective institutions is necessary.
State legitimacy: The legitimacy of the state is contested in all the cases except, perhaps, Kenya. In DRC there are secessionist tendencies, in Zanzibar both the Zanzibar and Union governments are challenged; in Burundi, Uganda and Southern Sudan there are demands for major constitutional adjustments. It is the absence of legitimacy that fuels these power struggles. The issue of legitimacy is pervasive in Africa. It is intimately related to, but not identical with, governance. While legitimacy stems from the organic relationship (social contract) between the state and its citizens, governance relates to the manner in which the state discharges its obligations. The latter may assume democratic or non-democratic forms. State legitimacy is enhanced by the existence of a national consensus on an agreed constitutional order that is the primary source of political obligation. Good governance or the practice of democracy, on the other hand, depends upon and, in turn, reinforces legitimacy.
Arms and ammunition: This is arguably the most important and urgent crosscutting issue. With the exception of Zanzibar and, to a lesser extent, Burundi, all the other cases are invariably characterised by different types and intensities of warfare. Eastern DRC is for all intents and purposes a war zone; the situation in northern Uganda and Southern Sudan is, to say the least, volatile; pastoral conflicts in northern Kenya involve armed cattle raids and considerable bloodshed. The procurement and proliferation of illegal arms in the region is well established. Although none of the case studies pursued this issue in detail there is urgent need to strengthen regional strategies for controlling and monitoring the fl ow of arms in the region. More concerted eff orts are needed to confront the arms dealers and their collaborators, and this will require a higher level of engagement with supplier countries and international security agencies.
Exclusion: All the cases bear elements of exclusion, albeit to varying degrees. Political exclusion occurs when particular groups in a society seek to monopolise political power and to use it to their advantage at the expense of other groups. This occurs when dominant forces or the majority exclude and oppress minorities but it can also work the other way, with powerful minorities excluding majorities, as was the case under colonialism and as it has been in Burundi from independence to the 1990s. In the region almost all cases of exclusion involve majorities against minorities. This is the case in Zanzibar, DRC, northern Uganda and northern Kenya. Burundi has vacillated between both forms but has largely experienced a minority oppressing the majority. Southern Sudan is less clearly defined, with layers of exclusion both at national and regional (southern) levels. Combating exclusion may require measures that can deal with issues of legitimacy and/or democracy.
Failed or stalled agreements: The Great Lakes region has become the home of failed or stalled agreements. This is typical of protracted conflicts. These agreements include the All-Inclusive Peace Agreement in DRC, the Comprehensive Political Agreement of Southern Sudan, Muafaka, I, II and III for Zanzibar, Burundi’s Global Ceasefire Agreement and the elusive Uganda/LRA Final Peace Agreement. The frustrations over these agreements may arise from at least three sources namely the actions or lack of actions by strategic actors, unreliability of some actors and the actions of invisible actors. The faltering of the DRC process, for example, has been blamed on the UN (MONUC) and other international actors including multinationals. In Uganda, the US. Congressional Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act, 2009, sides with the government and openly opposes LRA, having earlier classified it as a terrorist organisation. The fate of the Zanzibari agreements has basically been attributed to the unreliability of CCM and the governments.