When is increased participation appropriate? Under what circumstances does participation support or undermine democratic processes and how can these be identified? This chapter is from the book ‘Managing Policy Reform: Concepts and Tools for Decision-Makers in Developing and Transitioning Countries’. It examines these questions from the perspective of public sector policymakers. After offering advice on balancing expanded input with achieving objectives, it introduces caveats to the assumed links between participation and democracy.
Five main types of participation can be identified: (i) Information sharing: one-way information flows (ii) Consultation: two-way information flows and exchange of views (iii) Collaboration: where other groups are involved but the initiator retains control (iv) Joint decision-making: shared control over decisions (v) Empowerment: transfer of control over decisions. There is a tendency to view different types of participation normatively, with empowerment as the feature that determines whether it is ‘genuine’ or not. However, it is more useful to view them in instrumental terms and as interlinked, with each subsequent type building on the previous one.
Choosing between these different types of participation is challenging for policymakers. It is important to be clear about the objectives of participation, the benefits versus the costs, the current and potential stakeholders and the resources required.
- Managers need to clarify what will be gained and lost by including different groups. For example, will including new groups dilute policy objectives? Is support from external actors necessary? Are there conflicts between the demands of different groups?
- The benefits of increased participation have associated costs. For civil society organisations this could include time, effort and the possibility of repression. For public agencies this can include time and funds expended, as well as loss of control.
- For public agencies there is also the risk of raising expectations and not being able to deliver. Failure may cause civil society groups to give up entirely.
- There are also practical questions of supply and demand. For state institutions to supply participation, they must be receptive to, and capable of, accommodating external involvement.
- The demand side is composed of the private sector and civil society. Effectiveness is determined by the enabling environment, existence of traditions of participation, the political economy of government-interest group relations and groups’ capability to articulate their interests.
Whilst knowledge about what does and does not work has improved, much thinking on participation remains simplistic and carries excessive expectations. This is particularly true of its supposed connections to democracy and democratisation.
- More participation does not necessarily lead to more democracy. For example, fascist and Marxist regimes tend to be highly participative. Participation may also be ‘corporatist’: government may select certain groups (usually business and labour groups) whilst excluding others.
- Participation is not necessarily a positive act, and may be negative. Negative participation can include protests and strikes organised by NGOs, or passive resistance and disobedience of governmental actors.
- Expanded participation may not lead to greater pluralism or equity. People who are anxious to participate will want their own demands satisfied, and not usually concentrate on others’ demands.
- There is sometimes an assumption that civil society groups are, or should be, democratic in nature. This should not be assumed, because many groups are exclusionary and focussed on pursuing their own instruments.
