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Home»Document Library»Rebuilding Democratic Institutions: Civil–Military Relations in Philippine Democratic Governance

Rebuilding Democratic Institutions: Civil–Military Relations in Philippine Democratic Governance

Library
Carolina G. Hernandez
2006

Summary

Without democratising civil-military relations (CMR) and balancing power between civilian political authority and the officer corps, prospects for democratic consolidation in transition countries will remain problematic. This paper, published by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, discusses CMR democratisation in the Philippines and reviews the reform efforts of the current administration. The future of democratic CMR in the Philippines depends upon reformers establishing new civil-military dynamics that are genuinely supportive of CMR.

Prior to 1972, the Philippines were considered an exception to the phenomenon of military intervention in politics that swept new states in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The government was patterned after the United States’ (US) model, with a directly-elected executive and a legislature with formal oversight functions over the armed forces.

Marcos’ 1972-1986 regime institutionalised the military’s role in national development and destroyed most civilian political institutions. While his removal from office ushered in a new democratic regime, it did not result in the institutionalisation of institutions critical to establishing democratic CMR.

The following factors have shaped the evolution of CMR in the Philippines:

  • Legitimacy of presidential administrations over the past two decades has been challenged; civilian political institutions remain weak and under-institutionalised. Military participation in development efforts has militarised the process with negative consequences for the military, government and society.
  • The protracted decline in socio-economic conditions has weakened the president’s ability to undertake comprehensive CMR. Philippine military leadership remains attentive and responsive to US influence.
  • President Aquino has overseen the adoption of the 1987 Constitution and separation of the police from the military. She established an office of ethical standards and accountability, created a human rights commission and promoted better military relations with civilian agencies and civil society. She also took steps to address corruption.
  • The 2003 Oakwood Mutiny, caused by widespread military discontent over corruption and poor military working conditions, was a set-back to democratisation of CMR. Despite post-mutiny attempts to redress military grievances, there is continued confusion about the role of the military in politics.
  • The Arroyo government has instituted military pay increases, appointed a task force for military reform and established internal military controls. A Joint Defense Assessment was conducted in 2002 to enhance the security partnership with the US.

The Arroyo administration has displayed a willingness to advance the CMR democratisation agenda. However, the following critical issues continue to affect CMR progress:

  • Military commitment to CMR continues to depend upon the individual official; reform has still not taken hold institutionally.
  • Unless politicians refrain from enlisting the military for their own political and personal agendas, they will not serve CMR objectives.
  • The role of civil society is critical because it has the power to affect society’s support for coups.
  • The role of the president as commander-in-chief is central; the president has the initiative, power and resources to initiate and sustain the reform process.

Source

Hernandez C.G., 2006, 'Rebuilding Democratic Institutions: Civil–Military Relations in Philippine Democratic Governance', in Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao (ed.), 'Asian New Democracies: The Philippines, South Korea and Taiwan Compared', Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, Taipei, pp. 39-56

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