Building on community capacities
Community resilience does not necessarily require or benefit from outside intervention (Combaz, 2013). Disaster resilience can be self-generated by communities, as illustrated by the case study from Honduras outlined below. There is consensus in the literature that the success of external aid to resilience hinges on the meaningful participation of at-risk populations (Oxfam, 2013; Turnbull et al., 2013). Accordingly, Jabeen et al. (2010) call for practitioners to examine and draw on existing adaptive capacities and scale these up to integrate them into planning at local government level.
Some research findings have suggested that international actors be more sensitive to the potential for short-term relief aid to undermine long-term processes of building adaptive capacities. In post-tsunami Sri Lanka, for example, one qualitative study found a disconnection between international relief and the activities of local women’s NGOs, which they argue led to a disempowerment of those local groups (Scharffscher, 2011). To avoid unintended consequences, international actors are encouraged to adopt the ‘do no harm’ principles of adapting interventions to context, following local leadership, committing enough time and resources, and addressing all aspects of disaster resilience holistically (Combaz, 2013).
Interventions can also be shaped to support individuals’ resilience. For example, Pérez-Sales et al. (2005), looking at shelters established after the 2001 earthquakes in El Salvador, show that grouping of tents that reflected survivors’ community of origin were associated with higher levels of psychological resilience. They conclude that shelter organisation which considers dignity, participation and respect for victims’ capacity to control their own lives contributes to effective individual and community coping (Pérez-Sales et al., 2005, p. 368).
Climate-related disaster opens a window of opportunity for rural poor in northeastern Honduras
Drawing on a longitudinal study of a rural community in Honduras (1994-2002), this peer-reviewed paper finds that residents were able to use the window of opportunity created by Hurricane Mitch to generate socio-ecological improvement. The community was highly vulnerable to the impacts of disaster due, in part, to the legacy of previous development assistance. NGOs’ promotion of market specialisation (p. 5204), land concentration (p. 5204), and forest conservation (p. 5204) were particular factors that contributed to socio-economic vulnerability.
The study found that the disaster prompted the community to initiate institutional change and improve resilience. In particular, agricultural reorganisation reallocated production away from vulnerable floodplains, improved social cohesion by instituting a more equitable distribution of land, and contributed to restoring a diverse range of income generating activities. Based on the positive experience here, the authors recommend that interventions to enhance resilience to climate shocks should incorporate local capacities for institutional change.
Source: McSweeney and Coomes, 2011
Ensuring the participation of at-risk groups
At-risk groups such as women, minorities, children, persons with disabilities and the elderly tend to be adversely affected by disasters and stresses, but can also contribute to building resilience. Turnbull et al. (2013) argue that resilience interventions are more likely to have a sustainable impact in the medium- to long-term if they incorporate these groups. This includes children, who are likely to make up a substantial portion of any vulnerable population. However, ensuring the participation of children can be challenging in cultures where children are not encouraged or empowered to share their views, as illustrated in the implementation of child-centred approaches in Zimbabwe.
Disaster resilience and children: managing food security in Zimbabwe’s Binga District
This small-sample observational case study investigated the involvement of children in disaster risk reduction programmes focused on enhancing food security in Binga District, Zimbabwe. It found that in spite of the knowledge and potential contribution of children to resilience, their involvement was contested, and engaging them effectively required an understanding of how community culture characterised the role of children.
Interviews with children demonstrated that they are acutely aware of the causes and consequences of food insecurity, and knew about the early warning signs of disasters. Although children cope in various ways (including selling livestock, fishing, skipping meals), girls are more restricted because of their limited mobility.
The researchers conclude that understanding the family and cultural pressures imposed on children is key to effective programme design. Without this understanding, programmes risk getting locked into justifying children’s involvement at the expense of practical action to involve them.
Source: Manyena et al., 2008
Gender-sensitive programming
Women’s inclusion in community efforts to create resilience is often described as essential because of their particular skills, knowledge and social networks (e.g. Bradshaw & Fordham 2013, p. 12). For example, one Oxfam-funded programme that aimed to improve community resilience to floods and landslides in the village of Jengatta, Eastern Indonesia, noted that women had a better understanding of where floods and landslides were likely to occur because they are the ones who typically labour in the fields (Oxfam, 2012). Nevertheless, the study documented challenges to women’s meaningful participation, including resistance to women’s inclusion in community meetings. Actively engaging men who held strategic positions in the village, holding separate meetings with women, and having quotas for women’s participation, only partially addressed this discrimination (Oxfam, 2012).
Turnbull et al. (2013) set out key components for gender-sensitive resilience programming.
Components of gender-sensitive resilience programming
- Monitor the gendered impacts of disasters using sex-disaggregated data
- Conduct baseline analysis of the roles of women, men, boys and girls in the management of social, economic, political and natural resources
- Involve men and women in risk assessments
- Use gender-sensitive processes, such as separate groups and interviews where appropriate
- Help men and women participate within and outside their usual roles.
Source: Turnbull et al., 2013
Gender equality resources for disaster resilience
Some research findings suggest disasters can present opportunities for women and men to challenge socially-conditioned gender roles and uneven power structures (Turnbull et al., 2013). On the other hand, there is isolated evidence that the inclusion of women in resilience-building activities has reinforced gender stereotypes and potentially placed women in conflict with state authorities. This dynamic was reportedly created in the aftermath of the earthquake in Turkey.
Downsides of social capital for women during disaster recovery: Towards a more critical approach
Drawing on empirical research in Turkey, this paper explores the role of social capital in the context of disasters. While much literature emphasises the benefits of social capital for disaster management, this paper cautions that social capital can perpetuate gender-based assumptions and potentially place women in conflict with state authorities.
These findings are based on a qualitative case study of post-earthquake recovery in Gölcük, Turkey. Following the earthquake, ten formal and informal civic networks emerged with a variety of purposes, including search and rescue and providing financial and other support to vulnerable people. Research indicates that women’s participation in these networks was often constrained by gender. Many experienced a gendered division of labour that limited participation in areas such as search and rescue, and helped perpetuate gender-based assumptions. The study suggests that there is a need for gender-awareness building in post-disaster contexts, for example through capacity building initiatives that target civic networks and other actors.
Source: Ganapati, 2013
- Bradshaw, S., & Fordham, M. (2013). Women, Girls and Disasters. A Review for DFID. DFID.
See document online - Combaz, E. (2013). Helpdesk Research Report: Effectiveness of interventions in the humanitarian field to support community resilience. GSDRC.
See document online - Ganapati, N. E. (2013). Downsides of Social Capital for Women During Disaster Recovery: Toward a More Critical Approach. Politics and Society, 41(1), 72–96.
See document online - Jabeen, H., et al. (2010). Built-in resilience: learning from grassroots coping strategies for climate variability. Environment and Urbanization, 22(2), 415–431.
See document online - Manyena, S.B., et al. (2008). Disaster Resilience and Children: Managing Food Security in Zimbabwe’s Binga District. Children, Youth and Environments. 18(1), 303-331.
See document online - McSweeney, K., & Coomes, O. (2011). Climate-related disaster opens a window of opportunity for rural poor in northeastern Honduras. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 108(13), 5203–5208.
See document online - Oxfam (2013). No accident. Resilience and the inequality of risk. Oxfam International.
See document online - Oxfam (2012). Indonesia Case Study: Jenggala’s women living close to disaster. Oxfam UK.
See document online - Pérez-Sales, P, et al. (2005). Post-traumatic Factors and Resilience: The Role of Shelter Management and Survivours’ [sic] Attitudes after the Earthquakes in El Salvador (2001). Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 15, 368-382.
See document online - Scharffscher, K. S. (2011). Disempowerment through disconnection: Local women’s disaster response and international relief in post-tsunami Batticaloa. Disaster Prevention and Management, 20(1), 63–81.
See document online - Turnbull, M., et al. (2013). Toward Resilience: A Guide to Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation. Catholic Relief Services.
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