Supporting women’s economic empowerment
A review of small-scale projects found that women’s economic gains tend to be higher where men have been particularly severely affected by conflict (O’Connell, 2011). However, even where women assume new economic roles during conflict, these do not necessarily improve gender relations afterwards, especially where men continue to control economic resources, are resistant to women’s empowerment, or use sexual and gender-based violence (O’Connell, 2011). Interventions that simultaneously address women’s strategic interests (e.g. participation in decision-making inside and outside the home) and their practical needs have achieved success in some contexts (O’Connell, 2011). Natural resource management can serve as an entry point for women’s engagement in peacebuilding, including through decision-making on natural resource management and economic empowerment opportunities in natural resource sectors (UNEP, 2013).
Another review of economic recovery programmes in post-conflict contexts finds limited evidence of what works on the integration of women in economic recovery programmes (Justino et al., 2012). There was no evidence that employment generation programmes were able to support the continuing involvement of women in labour markets post-conflict. This could be due to lack of evaluations or failure to design programmes effectively. There was also limited rigorous evidence on the impact of microfinance schemes on post-conflict economic recovery, gender equality or peacebuilding. While there are positive results on women’s empowerment and contributions to household welfare and community development in some contexts, they were not generalizable across post-conflict countries. The evidence on community-driven development programmes, while limited, indicates that they have the potential to improve women’s status through greater involvement in local decision-making processes (Justino et al., 2012).
Supporting women’s organisation
There is some country evidence (El Salvador, Peru, Sierra Leone and Sri Lanka) which suggests that not all women go back to pre-war roles in post-conflict settings and that some women may continue in their leadership roles in new civil society organisations (CSOs) (Wood, 2008, cited in Domingo et al., 2013). Guidance on supporting women’s organisations in FCAS is, however, limited. Nevertheless, research shows that women’s local community organisation is vital for their empowerment in a post-conflict setting (Pant & Standing, 2011). Women’s social and grassroots movements are a potentially important means to promote women’s rights and gender equality in the post-conflict period (Domingo et al., 2013).
Qualitative research, based on the former Yugoslavia, has also drawn attention to the role of localised, informal systems of women’s political mobilisation in peacebuilding. This local type of activism is important since much physical violence during conflicts occurs at the community level. Such activism has the potential to improve conflict resolution (Korac, 2006). Donor support to women leaders and women’s CSOs during transition processes can increase women’s capacity to engage politically and exert influence (Domingo et al., 2013).
Enhancing women’s political and civic participation
Quotas are one of the most frequently used tools for increasing women’s political participation in FCAS (Domingo et al., 2013). There is evidence that they are effective: women in post-conflict countries with quotas are elected to an average of 30 per cent of parliamentary seats, in comparison with 7 per cent in countries where quotas are not used (Domingo et al., 2013; UN Women, 2012c). Further, women in post-conflict countries with quotas tend to build on their electoral success over time, subsequently exceeding quota levels, and this does not occur in post-conflict countries without quotas (Domingo et al., 2013). Castillejo (2011) finds that where quotas are in place there are fewer barriers to women’s participation, i.e. cost, violence and stigma. In addition, a study by UN Women (2012, cited in Domingo et al., 2013) highlights research showing that gender quotas in post-conflict contexts seem to ensure that other disadvantaged groups are more likely to gain parliamentary representation – with a positive and related correlation between such inclusion and conflict prevention.
Greater women’s political participation does not, however, necessarily translate into greater decision-making powers, or to an increase in gender-sensitive policies (Domingo et al., 2013; Anderlini, 2011; Castillejo, 2011). Quotas should be combined with support for women to develop skills in building informal networks (prominent in FCAS) and negotiating, and with training male leaders to work with women (OECD, 2013c).
Changing social norms and addressing masculinities
While conflict frequently changes gender roles, with women taking on increased responsibilities, research indicates that gender identities, institutions and ideologies often remain the same. Increased responsibility of women, for example, is often viewed in line with prior expectations of their role – providing what the family needs (El Bushra & Sahl, 2005). To make greater headway towards gender equality, women need power alongside responsibility and the role of men also needs to be re-envisioned (El Bushra & Sahl, 2005).
Male demobilized soldiers and ex-combatants often perceive the handover of weapons as a loss of power, and often respond with sexual and general-based violence (Schäfer, 2013; Sudhakar & Kuehnast, 2011). This is particularly the case for child soldiers, who have had limited opportunities to learn about peaceful forms of conflict resolution and other ways to express masculinity (Schäfer, 2013).
An inclusive approach to gender, moving beyond a narrow focus on women to address issues of masculinity, can lead to better research, policy and practice (Sudhakar & Kuehnast, 2011). There is emerging qualitative evidence that cultural, media, sports and leadership programmes can be effective entry points for addressing masculinities and working with boys and adolescents in FCAS (Schäfer, 2013; Sudhakar & Kuehnast, 2011). Male leadership programmes (Sudhakar & Kuehnast, 2011) and helping men and boys to understand the causes and consequences of their behaviour (Myrttinen et al., 2014) have succeeded in changing individual behaviours in several countries (Burundi, Nepal and Uganda). This has included reducing levels of violence against women and girls. It is much harder, however, to alter underlying patriarchal norms (Myrttinen et al., 2014). Partnerships with male community leaders and opinion shapers could contribute to altering these norms (Schäfer, 2013; Anderlini, 2011). There is evidence from Rwanda that high-level political support, levered by a coalition of women’s organisations, has triggered changes in Rwandan attitudes concerning gender roles. In other cases (Uganda and Eritrea), however, governments’ commitment to gender equality resulted in a backlash, as the rights framework conflicted with entrenched norms (El Bushra & Sahl, 2005).
See also the GSDRC’s helpdesk report on changing attitudes and behaviours towards gender equality.
- Anderlini, S. (2011). World development report gender background paper. Washington DC: World Bank
See full text - Castillejo, C. (2011). Building a state that works for women: Integrating gender into post-conflict state building. Madrid: FRIDE.
See full text - Domingo, P., Holmes, R., Rocha Menocal, A. & Jones, N. (with Bhuvanendra, D., & Wood, J). (2013). Assessment of the evidence of links between gender equality, peacebuilding and statebuilding: Literature review. London: ODI.
See full text - El-Bushra, J. & Sahl, I. (2005). Cycles of violence: Gender relations and armed conflict. Nairobi: ACCORD.
See full text - Justino, P., Cardona, I., Mitchell, R., & Müller, C. (2012). Quantifying the impact of women’s participation in post-conflict economic recovery (HiCN Working Paper 131). Brighton: IDS.
See full text - Korac, M. (2006). Gender, conflict and peace-building: Lessons from the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Women’s Studies International Forum, 29(5), 510–520
See full text - Myrttinen, H., Naujoks, J., & El-Bushra, J. (2014). Rethinking gender in peacebuilding. London: International Alert
See full text - O’Connell, H. (2011). What are the opportunities to promote gender equity and equality in conflict-affected and fragile states? Insights from a review of evidence. Gender and Development, 19(3), 455-466.
See full text - OECD. (2013c). Gender and statebuilding in fragile and conflict affected states. Paris: OECD Publishing.
See full text - Pant, B., & Standing, K. (2011). Citizenship rights and women’s roles in development in post-conflict Nepal. Gender & Development, 19(3), 409-421.
See full text - Schäfer, R. (2013). Men as perpetrators and victims of armed conflicts: Innovative projects aimed at overcoming male violence. Vienna: Vienna Institute for International Dialogue and Cooperation.
See full text - Sudhakar, N., & Kuehnast, K. (2011). The other side of gender: Including masculinity concerns in conflict and peacebuilding. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace.
See full text - UNEP. (2013). Women and natural resources: Unlocking the peacebuilding potential.
See full text - UN Women. (2012c). Women’s participation in peace negotiations: Connections between presence and influence. New York: UN.
See full text