Private sector development

Private sector development (PSD) encompasses a wide range of economic development programming in FCAS, including business climate reform and market development. The private sector is important for creating jobs, improving the population’s purchasing power, stimulating the local economy, and building trust between potential business partners. It also tends to recover faster than government following conflict (de Vries and Specker 2009). The key priorities for private sector development in post-conflict environments are creating an enabling business environment that encourages sustained growth, and strengthening local enterprises to compete in the economy (USAID 2009; de Vries and Specker 2009).

According to Mac Sweeney (2008), PSD can have a significant impact in post-conflict situations if implemented in a way that is sensitive and addresses contextual social, economic and political characteristics. Although there is general agreement that PSD can contribute to peacebuilding, there is debate over its sequencing within the conflict recovery process de Vries and Specker 2009. While DFID and the IFC advocate starting PSD early, the UN places it later in a process of longer-term recovery efforts. However, UNDP (2008) recommends initiating reforms as early as possible, including; prioritising governance and security reforms; empowering local entrepreneurs; and promoting foreign investment. Curtis et al. (2010) note that PSD programming has sometimes significantly and dangerously underestimated the role of PSD in conflict. They argue that it should seek to maximise impact on peacebuilding beyond economic development, and also focus governance, building security, stability and trust, and developing infrastructure.

Mac Sweeney (2008) outlines the debate between the two PSD main schools of thought:

The systemic approach encourages indirect support to the private sector through improving the investment climate in which it operates. Factors include the macro-economic environment, the rule of law, business regulations and the fiscal regime.
The interventionist approach encourages direct intervention to generate real change in the way that markets function (Saperstein and Campbell 2008). Activities can include: promoting market linkages, value chains, business associations and community groups; providing access to employment, vocational training and microfinance; and targeted support.

Proponents of the systemic approach argue that development agencies should not be involved in ‘picking winners’, while interventionists argue that a lack of political will often means policy-level changes have little impact on the ground. Nonetheless, there is a high degree of overlap between these two approaches.

Business Climate Reform

Business climate reform aims to reduce the costs and risks – for example, inappropriate regulation, excessive taxation, and lack of fair competition – that restrict investment and the development of markets in order to increase economic growth, reduce poverty and improve socio-economic welfare. It addresses the policy, legal, institutional, regulatory and cultural framework within which individuals and firms operate (Channell 2010; DCED 2008). Much of the literature on the systemic approach to PSD refers to the investment climate; – factors such as regulations, laws, infrastructure and corruption levels (Walton 2010b) that influence incentives and opportunities to invest and create jobs (Rao 2010).

The literature often fails to disaggregate the ‘investment climate’ (Rao 2010). Yet, a generalised understanding of what constitutes a strong investment climate may be inaccurate; conditions favourable to one particular sector or firm may be unfavourable to another or affect investment elsewhere. Mills and Fan (2006) note that, in the post-conflict period, the telecoms sector tends to grow first, followed by energy and transport, then water and sanitation. Further, Moore and Schmitz (2008) argue that policies favourable to business are not necessarily, or proportionately, good for investment and growth.

While reforming the business climate may create opportunities for peacebuilding, it also poses significant challenges and risks in conflict environments. There is debate over which social, political and economic factors have prevented the development of a strong investment climate and therefore need to be addressed (Rao 2010). The traditional view is that enforceable property and contract rights, and business laws, regulations and institutions lay the foundations for economic opportunity and a business-enabling environment (Channell 2010). However, others question whether this approach is appropriate in poor countries with weak institutions. Substantial increases in investment may also take place through ‘hand-in-hand’ arrangements between investors and politicians (Moore and Schmitz 2008).

Market Development

According to the SEEP Network (2007), market development is ‘a sub-field of enterprise and private sector development, in which development programs seek to help small enterprises participate in, and benefit more from, the existing and potential markets in which they do business’. As such it is an interventionist approach, aimed at identifying leverage points within market system, addressing problems in the way markets function, and the resulting power imbalances (Gerstle and Meissner 2010). They are considered to have the potential to quicken reconstruction efforts to reduce poverty, as well as to leverage the private sector to work with households to achieve sustainable livelihoods. As market links are especially likely to suffer during a conflict due to the erosion of trust between groups, improving these links is also considered to benefit peacebuilding and economic development (Mac Sweeney 2008). This may further support the transition from markets dominated by illegal activity, to legitimate market connections with the potential to formalise (ibid).

Mac Sweeney (2008) claims that market development has the advantage of immediacy and tangibility, with clearly targetable beneficiaries and rapid, highly visible, peace dividends. Further, it is more adaptable to the FCAS context as it does not rely on government institutions to function effectively. The objective of value chain programming, for example, is to enable poor individuals and households to move out of saturated low-return activities and into higher-return, growing markets by linking poor producers to private sector actors who have access to growing markets and an interest in forming partnerships (Parker 2008). There is a particular focus on adding value to products and processes used by various participants within the chain to support the entire group of actors to compete successfully in profitable markets (ibid). Donors can support market linkages by connecting economic actors with each other, or by circulating information about the markets to allow actors to adjust their activities to market trends (Mac Sweeney 2008).

What works and does not work in private sector development

The growth diagnostic appears to be best suited to conflict-affected environments. It can provide a more detailed analysis of the cause-and-effect relationships behind the constraints to growth, and can be easily combined with a political economy approach (Curtis et al. (2010)). It can also be used in a simplified way if data collection is not possible. Value chain analysis can also be a useful tool, as it can inform and reinforce conflict analysis and directly address possible causes of conflict. It is also helpful for guiding advisors on the prioritisation of particular sectors.

Datzberger and Denison (2013) find evidence of the impact of PSD programming to be very weak on a range of economic, stability and peacebuilding objectives, including equality of outcomes and opportunity, political participation, and state-society relations. They state that PSD programming is generally evaluated from an economics perspective, without attention to stabilisation and that, when stabilisation objectives do feature, causal inferences are weak.

Business Climate Reform

There is a substantial body of literature supporting the view that improvements in an investment climate lead to economic growth. In general, reform requires identifying and addressing the aspects of the business environment that harm commercial activity by reducing trade, compromising property rights, and undermining trust; and by creating and enhancing legitimacy through relationships of trust (Channell 2010). However, there is also widespread criticism of the cross-country studies used to demonstrate this link (Walton 2010b) and the methods used to measure an investment climate (Guglielmetti 2010; IEG 2008). There is less evidence of the relationship between the wider business environment and economic growth, and little documentation on the relationship between the business environment and peacebuilding and statebuilding objectives.

There is debate over whether or not the immediate post-conflict period is responsive to reform (Bray 2007). Channell (2010) gives an example of how corrupt and unjust courts may promote resentment, underpinning the roots of conflict, and argues that there are potential opportunities to improve judicial transparency during the period of rebuilding. He stresses that this may also be a good time to expand opportunities for women, as traditional power structures following a conflict may be more open to greater inclusion of women in policy and business (ibid). This idea supports investment climate reforms in the immediate post-conflict period Walton (2010a). However, disrupted enforcement systems can also constrain businesses and mitigate the effects of early reforms. Businesses may retreat to less efficient and more expensive arrangements, forgo new opportunities or spend valuable resources creating ‘work-arounds’ if they cannot rely on established systems (Channell 2010). According to Walton (2010b), early reforms are most likely to succeed where there is a degree of political stability and the risk of resumption of conflict is low.

There is consensus that ‘the fundamentals’– macroeconomic reform and transparency and anti-corruption measures – should be addressed early on (Bray 2007; Channell 2010; Mac Sweeney 2008). However, some practitioners question the feasibility of doing so in environments with a legacy of conflict. Mac Sweeney (2008) notes that PSD programmes often have to take place in the absence of sound financial institutions and macroeconomic structures The IMF (2011) further acknowledges the difficulty of implementing macroeconomic reforms in fragile, low-income, countries, noting that agendas tend to be overly optimistic.

Much of the literature advocates reforming the formal rules of the investment climate, such as enforceable rights laws and regulations. However, some suggest that this approach is not always realistic in FCAS. Growth in productive investments can take place in the absence of these rules, promoting a willingness to engage extra-legal and informal channels. Moore and Schmitz (2008) note the importance of understanding the circumstances in which informal arrangements raise productive investment in ways that strengthen the demand for formal rules. In Indonesia, relationship, rather than rule based cooperation was a key factor for policy reform, with informal dialogue between government leaders and local firms providing an effective mechanism for improving the local investment climate (Von Luebke et al. (2009)).

Attempts to reform property rights demonstrate the challenges of implementing formal rules. Land reform is considered a particularly intractable and deeply rooted issue across FCAS (Walton 2010b) and should be implemented with caution (Mills and Fan 2006; Channell 2010). Khan (2005) argues that efforts to formalise property rights and counter rent-seeking in FCAS might undermine the investment climate if the government lacks the capacity to enforce changes. Furthermore, Channell (2010) points to the risk of reigniting grievances and conflict by recognising property rights that are ‘legal’, but perceived as illegitimate.

There is wide support for basing interventions on detailed political economy analysis to help explain why some reforms are successful while others are not (DCED 2008; USAID 2010; Walton 2010a; 2010b; Moore and Schmitz 2008). Political economy analysis focuses on four key steps (Davis 2011):

analysing the level of political commitment to reform at each level of government;
identifying potential institutional champions in the public and private sectors that can drive and manage the reform process;
understanding the institutional drivers, incentive structures, legal traditions, policy history and cultural factors that are likely to influence the reform effort;
identifying potential ‘winners and losers’ from the reform to gauge how successful the process may be.

Despite support for political economy analysis in the reform process, Walton (2010b) notes that there is little sustained analysis in this area.

Similarly, while there is agreement that business environment reform needs to be conflict sensitive, there is little evidence of what this looks like. Lessons in conflict analysis cite the need to pay attention to the various social and economic relationships that initiated the conflict and how to manage them following post-conflict negotiations (Channell 2010; USAID 2010). They further stress the ‘do no harm’principle by being aware of the possible effects, both positive and negative, on conflict actors (Mills and Fan 2006; Walton 2010b). Channell (2010) warns of the abuse of regulatory authority reigniting conflict, and resulting in the conversion of business rights into privileges that can be denied in order to obtain bribes or exclude certain groups. However, monitoring and evaluation of reform programmes often fail to look at conflict sensitivity. For example, the IFC’s Development Outcome Tracking System (DOTS) which is used to track the development effectiveness of its programmes does not include conflict effects, or contributions toward peacebuilding or statebuilding as part of its benchmarking process (Leo et al. 2012).

Channell (2010) also stresses the need to establish the legitimacy of business environment reforms, recognising that they will be most effective when the funding priorities of donors are aligned with the needs of the private sector and the political will of the government. This requires engagement with the local private sector and the communities in which it operates (Bray 2007; Mills and Fan 2006; Walton 2010a). To legitimise this process all stakeholders need to be meaningfully represented and have the opportunity to participate (Channell 2010; DCED 2008; Walton 2010a).

Public-private dialogue (PPD) is a widely advocated method for legitimately engaging stakeholders (Channell 2010; Davis 2011; Mills and Fan 2006). The World Bank (2014) documents lessons from a survey of PPD practitioners in more than 30 countries. 63 per cent of the respondents believed that PPD contributed to peacebuilding, with the building of trust among stakeholder groups and the creation of a culture of dialogue and transparency as the most important activities.

Evidence shows that where business networks and associations are strong, they can mobilise business support and lobby for policy reforms that are relevant to conflict prevention and peacebuilding. For instance, they can advocate for the transparent use of revenues and clear rules and regulations for business conduct (International Alert 2006a; 2006b; Slim 2012). This is echoed by Mercy Corps (2011)’ Evaluation and Assessment of Poverty and Conflict Interventions (EAPC) which states that ‘deep’ economic interactions, such as participation in economic associations or business partnerships, can build relationships between adversarial groups and provide incentives for peace. Other literature supports the importance of businesses forming coalitions and working together to pursue both direct business interests and wider societal goals (Nelson 2000). Examples include a group of local trade associations sponsoring a public campaign to mobilise citizens to speak out on the importance of peace in Sri Lanka (World Bank 2011) and professional association members such as midwives, providing time and skills to promote relief, development and peacebuilding in Somalia (Hammond et al. 2011).

The work of International Alert (2006a; 2006b) highlights the importance of engaging the private sector in partner countries in policy dialogue, and promoting conflict-sensitive foreign direct investment and business-to-business links. At meso-level this should include support to sound intermediate private sector structures and business associations. Lessons taken from Nelson’s work (2000) relate to the need to support the (re-)establishment or strengthening of institutional structures and associations in conflict-sensitive or post-conflict societies and to build capacities and governance systems for the local private sector.

Obstacles to maximising the potential impact of business communities in conflict management are chiefly a lack of recognition that the private sector has a role (among business communities, NGOs, and the international community), coupled with a lack of understanding of what that role might be (Killick et al. 2005; Iff et al. 2010). Overcoming these obstacles requires:

raising awareness, not only in the private sector, but among other local and international peacebuilding organisations.
identifying the different types of roles the private sector can play, depending on the size and nature of the business community, as well as the type and stage of the conflict.

The 2011 World Development Report echoes this, emphasising the need to focus on developing local capacity – both within the private sector itself and within the government administration that oversees private sector development-related regulations and reforms, particularly in the period when conflict is already on the horizon.

Despite a wealth of literature on the investment climate in FCAS, Rao (2010) notes a shortage of empirical studies and evidence that are readily generalisable. This is partially attributed to the difficulty of quantifying the impact of reforms on the investment climate or wider business environment (MIGA 2004, Moore and Schmitz 2008). There is also criticism over the adequacy of the commonly used World Bank ‘Doing Business’ indicators for measuring changes in the investment climate. The World Bank (2014) further notes difficulties in collecting data and the challenge of proving attribution in complex fragile environments. This poses a significant challenge for the monitoring and evaluation of PPD initiatives.

Market Development

The SEEP Network (2007) documents the experiences and innovations of 13 market development operating in crisis environments. It argues that, where interventions incorporate a sound understanding of the market and its context they have the potential to smooth the transition from relief to development, and also to improve the performance of relief programmes.

Gerstle and Meissner (2010) outline four sets of questions for market development practitioners to consider in fragile contexts:

Are there any overlaps between main market actors and conflict actors?
Does the market encourage links between groups separated by conflict, or reinforce divisions?
Can specific groups affected by the conflict (such as ex-combatants) participate effectively in this market?
How is the market affected by, and how does it affect, the conflict? Does it reinforce existing inequalities? Do trends in the market affect the dynamics of the conflict (positively or negatively)? How do changes in the conflict affect this market?

These questions help practitioners to be aware of how efforts to promote the economy interact with conflict dynamics. Lister and Paine’s 2004 study with the Afghan Research and Evaluation Unit warns against promoting ‘collapsed markets’ at the risk of reinforcing the interests of economic elites that control a wide range of trade, but which have no interest in long-term investments, strategic positioning or business partners.

Parker (2008) identifies three value chain projects in conflict-affected contexts which demonstrate significant economic returns in sales, employment, and private sector investment; as well as four examples that demonstrate how these type of projects can be used to reach particularly vulnerable populations, even during conflict. Key lessons drawn from the case studies include:

investment in rebuilding inter-firm links and trust is time-consuming, but essential;
attention needs to be paid to the business-enabling environment and constraints relating to public infrastructure;
planning for the delivery of support services is crucial to the success of value chain programming;
sustainability needs to be a focus of the project from the outset;
private-sector participants within the value chain are often the most powerful champions of the programme;

Gündüz and Klein (2008) provide options for integrating conflict-sensitive approaches into value chain analysis and interventions in conflict situations. They provide guidance on conducting conflict analysis on each of the value chain components, as well as identifying interactions between value chains and conflict under three broad categories: 1) the impacts of wider conflict on a value chain and its components; 2) a value chain’s impact on wider conflict; and 3) conflicts present within a value chain, among different actors at different levels.

Making Markets Work for the Poor (M4P) is a framework for finding ways to increase the incomes of poor people while promoting the accessibility of other products and services they require (Gerstle and Meissner 2010). It is considered to incorporate elements of both the systemic and interventionist approaches to PSD (Mac Sweeney 2008). If grounded in comprehensive political economy and conflict analysis, M4P is particularly well suited to post-conflict environments because it involves a market diagnostic process to account for market dynamics and stakeholders, it is sufficiently flexible to deal with the dynamic and volatile nature of post-conflict environments, and it incorporates risk management in order to avoid exacerbating conflict (Ockenden 2011).

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